It’s no secret that Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards has
longed since his first day in office for tax increases, and disproportionately
on its most productive entities, rather than reduce the size of Louisiana
state government. He did manage to get a temporary sales tax increase through
the Legislature, but it was his last,
least preferred option.
Now Edwards has more impetus to seek tax
increases. The descent of the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic has triggered overall revenue
reductions and higher expenditures in some areas, particularly concerning the
burgeoning imbalance of unemployment insurance payments going out compared to
taxes coming in. Instead of pulling
back on government spending for this fiscal year, Edwards successfully implored
the Legislature to spend federal government largesse without cuts, making for
an expensive
ticking time bomb for taxpayers.
But other than letting the temporary sales tax through
(and in
a manner lower than Edwards preferred upon renewal in 2018), the
Legislature has resisted raising rates paid by individuals, with many of its
Republican majority arguing Louisianans paid enough, if not too much, in taxes.
If that sentiment wins the day, absent any bailout from the federal government on
which Edwards has pinned his hopes, he’ll have left only the option he desperately
resists, trimming government.
However, the Baton Rouge Advocate recently threw
a lifeline to his way of thinking. Last month, an individually unattributed
opinion piece
(but probably the work of its Capitol New Bureau chief Mark Ballard) advanced
the argument that Louisiana citizens didn’t suffer from over-taxation. Drawing
upon data from BestPlaces.net, a firm that collects information for personal living
and business site locations, Louisiana ranked for individuals eighth
most tax-friendly to invoke a headline declaring, “Louisiana tax load isn’t
so bad.”
Yet this stands in direct contradiction with a piece
from financial website WalletHub.com that ran a month earlier. The site
produces a dizzying array of state comparisons, on which Louisiana usually
doesn’t fare well. Nor did it for this one, which calculated individual tax
burden for each state using Tax Policy Center data
and placed
Louisiana 14th worst.
Which analysis would serve better as a policy-making
tool in this debate? For BestPlaces’ ranking, it took income, sales, real
estate, and vehicle taxes, computed these, and then figured an effective rate
(taxes paid proportional to amount paid upon) on the basis of three
assumptions: that the individual made $60,000 annually, that he owned a house
at the median state value, and that he owned a vehicle worth $25,000.
In 2018,
median household income was over $63,000 for the U.S., but in Louisiana it was
just under $50,000. Further, not everybody owns a vehicle (or house, for that
matter, but presumably real estate taxes get factored into rents). So, the
BestPlaces estimate already isn’t a great fit for Louisianans in general; it
really is more specific to upper-middle class folks, especially in Louisiana.
By contrast, the WalletHub measure simply takes the
proportion of total personal income that residents pay toward state and local
taxes in those three categories. Their sales tax category also included excise
taxes.
This method provides a more valid assessment of tax
burden, because it takes the aggregate of personal income and aggregate of all
taxes collected. It isn’t precise, because some taxes paid will come from
nonresidents, but Louisiana residents will pay some taxes not captured by the
state to others so it’s a decent approximation. Unlike BestPaces, it doesn’t
take a hypothetical and somewhat atypical household; it scales its results to
the population’s parameters.
While Louisiana ranks well on income and property
taxes, sales and excise taxes really sink the state, with the fourth-highest
proportion paid. That makes sense, with one of the highest combined rates among
the states for sales and with a lower income level than most, these kinds of
taxes impact disproportionately the lower income goes.
And it shows how out-of-step Louisiana is with its
peers. Every state whose residents pay a higher proportional burden has a much
higher median household income, and several in the latter category rank much
lower on the former (such as Texas, Utah, and Colorado, which not
coincidentally are fast-growing in population and economically).
Ultimately, you can’t make the argument that
Louisiana relatively is undertaxed. Indeed, that would further tighten the lid
on raising incomes by taking still more out of the private economy. This information
calls for right-sizing government downwards if revenues decrease, not raising
taxes on an already overburdened Louisiana taxpayer.
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