Louisiana’s GOP legislators as a whole continue
to bend towards the breaking point in their special session called to retain
oversized government.
Having a week ago defeated
by the narrowest of margins a measure to remove deductibility of a good
chunk of federal excess itemized deductions from state income taxes, the same House Ways and
Means Committee forwarded by the narrowest margin a somewhat-similar bill
yesterday. These differ in that the newest version, HB 38 by
state Rep. Malinda
White, after changes specifies full coverage of mortgage interest and charitable
deductions, makes the lack of deductibility last only 24 months, and
potentially could revere the increase if enough revenue in the $125 million
range each year came from other sources and thereby would allow those filers otherwise
limited by the bill to carry forward and claim the entire deduction at least
two tax years down the road.
Both Chairman Democrat Neil Abramson
and Vice Chairman Republican Jim Morris
switched votes from the previous occasion, having formulated the compromise
version from the original that began basically identical with the predecessor
measure. GOP State Rep. Julie Stokes,
always on the hunt to grow government as a price for her conception of tax
simplification, switched from an affirmative vote on last week’s efforts
because of the temporary nature of the tax.
Stuck pigs squeal. And often, when you have one as
thin-skinned as Louisiana’s Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards.
One might think that having spent his collegiate
years at West Point and then several more as a commissioned Army officer would
toughen you up. Then again, persons who lack self-introspection in military
service can become too comfortable with barking out orders met by absolute
obedience, so if others question and even criticize your dictates, arrogant
lashing out at them occurs.
Edwards’ tendencies on this account compound
because he knows a majority of Louisiana’s center-right electorate disagrees
with him on a majority of issues, so his visceral reactions to criticism of his
policy serve as attempts to deflect from the complaints’ merits that hit home. No
critique from elected officials escapes him and he will respond with disdain
and vitriol.
If that’s the best Louisiana Senate leaders and
Gov. John Bel Edwards
can do, then clearly the Louisiana House of Representatives leadership is
winning the battle of wills over the size of government, irrespective of the
hypocrisy involved.
Yesterday, Senate
leaders had a hissy fit over the House’s reluctance to pass through
anything but small tax increases needed to fuel Edwards’ desired size of
Louisiana government, that the governor claims requires $450 million more in
hikes. With Edwards already having grabbed as hostages the sick and college
students, by saying previously he would close the shortfall by shuttering
hospitals and slashing tuition reimbursements rather than make small cuts to
many much lower priority functions, Senate Revenue and
Fiscal Affairs Committee chairman state Sen. JP Morrell corralled some Girl Scouts, scholastic
sports boosters, and many more by announcing he would not move on HB 51 by
state Rep. Jim
Morris to remove sales tax on items sold by them until the House coughed up
more bills increasing more taxes. In the waning moments of the first special
session of the year, Act 25,
alleged inadvertently by many legislators, taxed these items and many others
that now Morris’ bill seeks to undo.
Of course Morrell, undoubtedly with the blessing
of Edwards and Sen. Pres. John Alario,
in doing so employs the same sitzkrieg
strategy as did state Rep. Neil Abramson,
chairman of the House
Ways and Means Committee, concerning the state’s capital outlay bill at the
conclusion of the regular session – a move roundly
criticized by the likes of Edwards, Alario, and Morrell. The irony and
hypocrisy of Morrell’s move at present seems to escape him.
Well, that didn’t last long – capital budgeting reform
from Gov. John Bel
Edwards or legislative independence on that issue. More interesting is why
and the consequences.
After a semi-comical
interlude that found a delayed capital outlay budget head towards approval,
the resolution of that dispute demonstrates nothing has changed in a process
that over-promises and under-delivers. The resulting product for next fiscal
year still shares with all of its predecessors oversubscription of projects
that surrenders power to the governor.
Typically, legislators lard up this budget with
much more spending than the state’s debt capacity will allow. This they do to
create the impression to constituents back home that they bring home sufficient
amounts of bacon. Even if they know possibly a decade will pass before it
receives any money – and may never as the list changes annually or
circumstances may moot the need – having a project out there with an attached
dollar figure becomes a prop to wave in front of voters come election day.
