This
column publishes usually every Sunday through Thursday after noon
(sometimes even before; maybe even after sundown on busy days) U.S.
Central Time except whenever a significant national holiday falls on
the Monday through Friday associated with the otherwise-usual
publication on the previous day (unless it is Independence Day or
Christmas or New Year's when it is the day on which the holiday is
observed by the U.S. government). In my opinion, there are six of
these: New Year's Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Veterans' Day,
Thanksgiving Day, and Christmas. My column for The Advocate will run on Easter Sunday.
With Friday, Dec. 25 being Christmas Day, I invite you to explore this link.
Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
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25.12.15
24.12.15
Syndrome reaction to Jindal challenge of culture
With the departure of Gov. Bobby
Jindal from Louisiana’s political scene, at least for the immediate future,
more enlightened observers will miss perhaps the most humorous aspect surrounding
his electoral career – behavior stemming from the affliction that some catch
called Jindal Derangement Syndrome, the pathology of which merits scrutiny.
This syndrome manifests as a hyper-emotive,
sociopathic reaction to all things Jindal. Typical behavior includes screeds
devoid of reason that ramble enough to connect Jindal somehow to the imagined
perfidy. So consumed by hatred of Jindal, these victims abandon any attempt to
use fact and logic to evaluate policy preferences pursued by the outgoing
governor.
For example, as incoming Gov. John Bel
Edwards agitates for resumption of Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program
benefits to the able-bodied without spouses and/or dependents between ages
18-49 who do not work, attend training programs, or volunteer to charitable
organizations at least 20 hours a week in the past three months, invective
flies against how Jindal wisely decided to join 20 other states in
returning to following the law of the land since the late 20th
century by terminating benefits for these recipients. Or, more generally, how a
few of the chattering classes define Jindal’s optimal decisions to right-size
government that help people keep more of what they earn while those policy same
choices make others being subsidized and/or who desired subsidies force others to
do their fair share to accrue these privileges as some kind of crimes
against humanity.
23.12.15
Edwards' inner liberal keeps muddying his narrative
Incoming Gov. John Bel Edwards
throughout his campaign tried to distance himself from his image as a wild-eyed
liberal. Yet leopards don’t change their spots, as a recent
comment of his validated.
On perhaps no issue did Democrat
Edwards differentiate himself from his GOP rivals than on tort reform. Long an
ally of trial lawyers, as one example of his fealty towards them Edwards
opposed efforts to remove
the ability of state regional bodies to bring suit on matters over which
the state or parishes had ultimate policy-making authority, voting against
such a measure.
That law
specifically applied to the South Louisiana Flood
Protection Authority-East’s attempt to extract money from nearly 100
companies that had explored and extracted oil in its jurisdiction over the
decades. It alleged them primarily liable for environmental damage in the
billions of dollars despite that science does not corroborate the impact to
that extent and with few exceptions had followed the law with the state’s
blessing in their activities throughout.
22.12.15
Other shoe may drop on LA unconstitutional taxation
Before Louisiana policy-makers
breathe a sigh of relief over the state’s current fiscal year budget, they need
to realize the real trouble could lie ahead, either financially or as a threat
to representative democracy in the state.
Last week, state District Court
Judge Michael Caldwell ruled
against the Louisiana Chemical Association in its suit against the state
for the outcome of HCR 8 of 2015. That resolution suspended a penny of the four
cent sales tax exemption on business utilities essentially for the fiscal year,
which will raise an estimated over $100 million and allowed the budget passed
to balance.
Caldwell noted, as has
this space, that the Constitution allows for suspension of tax breaks from
the time passed until 60 days after the end of the next year’s regular legislative
session by a simple majority, the same required to put a tax exception in place.
The LCA had claimed something like this did not need a two-thirds majority in
each chamber through a convoluted argument that the supermajority provision
applied only if the Legislature had suspended the entire statute that set up
the tax, not a “portion” of it.
21.12.15
LA GOP hopes to move past majority growing pains
That so
many Louisiana Republicans have come out the woodwork to run for the
state’s open U.S. Senate seat next year illustrates the maturation and but
possible continued immaturity of the party that gave away its control of the
governorship this year.
Loser of that election runoff Sen. David Vitter decided to
call it quits in his current spot after that debacle Republicans inflicted upon
themselves. Throughout most of that cycle observers considered a GOP candidate
a lock to win, and Vitter the favorite to do so.
Republicans have put themselves in
the strong position they hold in the state now – near supermajority status in
the Legislature; control of the Supreme Court, Board of Elementary and
Secondary Education, and Public Service Commission; holders of every state
statewide office except soon governor; of the seven U.S. House seats serve in
six of them; and have both senators – at the state level less for what they
have done than the self-destruction arranged by state Democrats with their
insistence on following national Democrats ever further leftward ideologically.
This hari-kari encouraged
factionalism among Republicans since Democrats made themselves too weak to
offer the necessary incentive for the GOP to emphasize the winning conservative
ideology that earned them the state’s majority and instead lazily allowed
Republicans to base their candidacies and policies on the state’s common past
political cultural themes of populism and personalism, making personalities
rather than ideology the flashpoints of conflict and policy-making.
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