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recently conjectured whether a Republican other than Rep. Vance McAllister could make a runoff
for Louisiana’s Fifth Congressional District, and if the entrance of Public
Service Commissioner Clyde Holloway
as a Republican into the contest diminished
those chances. A new
poll gives us some data on which to assess these observations.
Done by the same firm which
released the only previous independent and public poll on the race, which had
showed McAllister leading the field but with a dismal 27 percent and the only
Democrat in it Monroe Mayor Jamie Mayo
next at 21 percent, revealed the previously highest-placed challenger
Republican to McAllister, physician Ralph
Abraham, now topped the group at 22 percent. McAllister had slumped to 20
percent and Mayo was down just a point fewer than he had to 15 percent. Holloway
debuted with 9 percent of the vote, in fifth place, behind businessman Harris Brown at 11 percent, who
nearly doubled his previous total. Losing as much as McAllister was the
previously fourth-place holder, salesman Zach
Dasher, who fell to sixth place at 7 percent.
(There are some methodological quibbles with this poll and its predecessor, such as it fails to rotate answers throughout, meaning
there’s a slight bias towards earlier-listed names and away from those nearer
the end of the alphabet. But in terms of changes in candidate totals between
polls that shouldn’t matter for analysis.)
While she’s getting a Maness-churian
candidate assist on the subject, the very nature of the issue’s dynamics is
not going to turn a remark made by Republican Rep. Bill Cassidy into any appreciable fodder
to help the deteriorating candidacy for reelection of Democrat Sen. Mary Landrieu.
And the idea, proffered by both
Reid himself and minor Republican Senate candidate Rob Maness that there’s something
objectionable about the terminology Cassidy used – presumably because
plantations in America historically used blacks first as slaves and then until
only a few decades ago as virtually indentured servants – seems hardly
credible. Former Sen. Hillary Clinton used just such an
analogy to describe House of Representative’s Republican leadership in 2006
to an almost-exclusively black audience and was asked to apologize by GOP
leaders.
With state Rep. Jeff Thompson’s
election as a 26th District judge, the process of picking his successor,
depending how it’s done, creates conditions that could leave district residents
better or worse off.
At the end of qualifying, no one but Thompson signed up to
run for the District B slot to succeed Ford Stinson, automatically putting him
in line to be sworn in early next year. To do so, he must resign his current
office before then. State law says that when the presiding officer of the
chamber, in this instance Speaker of the House Chuck Kleckley,
receives notice of a resignation when more than six months of a member’s term
remains (Thompson’s expires in early 2016) without a regularly scheduled
election prior to a session’s start, he may designate a qualification period
and election date.
Historically, in these kinds of situations
where a November election produces a legislative vacancy, presiding officers have
scheduled a special election anywhere from the end of January to early March.
Thompson plans on this as he has expressed intent to resign at the end of the
year. He may not be alone: over a half dozen other legislators (including state
Rep. Patrick Williams for
Shreveport mayor) are running for various posts with them not as lucky as he by
being an earlier winner. If any win, some may do so on Nov. 4 and others on
Dec. 6. The idea, then, would be that by the latter date all who will need to
resign will know, these will happen, and the replacement elections will be held
together statewide early in 2015.
If Sen. Mary Landrieu wants to create the
perception that she’s identified with Louisiana rather than with Washington,
D.C., standing athwart of foreign policy that helps U.S. interests just to make
that point isn’t the way to do it.
For weeks all that has stood in
between the U.S. being able to levy certain sanctions against Venezuelan
individuals involved in crackdowns directed at protests against that country’s
authoritarian leaders, which would involve revoking the visas and freezing the
assets of a handful of people, has been Landrieu’s insistence that the matter
not be taken up in the Senate. Under the rules for this kind of measure that
require unanimity, she has become the only objector, claiming that these would
cost Louisianans jobs with her rationale being that these could affect
operations at a CITGO refinery
in Lake Charles, which is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Venezuela’s
government-owned Petroleos de Venezuela S.A..
Sure, Sen. David Vitter is the early favorite to
win Louisiana’s governorship in a bit over a year. And the reason he is –
possessing strong,
take-no-prisoner conservative credentials with nods to the populist strain
in the state’s political culture – is what gives him room to expand his policy
options in ways that may win more votes than lose them.
In the early sweepstakes for the
state’s top job, featuring Republicans Vitter and Lt. Gov. Jay Dardenne and Democrat state Rep. John Bel Edwards, observers
generally think that Vitter would come out on top but not with a simple
majority of votes, and that while he would win going away against Edwards in a
runoff, matched with Dardenne he would retain but a slight edge. This is
because Dardenne is considered able to get votes of some conservatives
disaffected with Vitter for his stridency and past admitted commission of a
“serious sin” over a decade ago which is thought to involve prostitution, and
also should attract disproportionately Democrats.
But at his last stop
on a tour of the state over the past few months, in Baton Rouge Vitter
articulated some issue preferences that might cause controversy. When given the
opportunity when discussing about how to find money to build roads, Vitter did
not automatically rule out raising the state’s gasoline tax. He did offer that
ending diversion of gas tax funds to pay for State Police operating costs,
which is permitted
by law but controversial because it leaves fewer matching funds for
transportation.