Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
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14.11.16
Mendacious letter distracts from expansion problems
When you can’t refute the argument, avoid
addressing the argument – a time-honored strategy Louisiana Department of
Health Secretary Rebekah Gee employed in a letter
to the editor addressing my recent Baton
Rouge Advocate column
that mentioned Medicaid expansion. Better, she not only dodged it, she added in
some misdirection and misinformation on top of that.
That column really focused more on the “surprise”
the Gov. John Bel Edwards
Administration experienced when a budget deficit for this fiscal year appeared
in its calculations, which to anyone conversant in economics would have
expected: you raise taxes the equivalent of nearly 20 percent of general fund
revenues and the resulting depression of economic activity will cause revenues
to undershoot projections, especially as the Legislative Fiscal Office used a
static model of revenue generation in formulating the impact of the hikes.
However, the piece also mentioned the spending side, pointing out that almost
the entire increase in the FY 2017 budget in state general fund dollars – the receptacle
for the tax increases – came in health care spending.
That over $500 million increase stands in stark
contrast to the alleged $184 million Medicaid expansion “savings” asserted by
Edwards through his implementation of it – a figure which Gee’s department
never has explained its derivation despite numerous questions from this space
and others about that. The only study,
by the department during the former Gov. Bobby
Jindal Administration prior to Edwards’ election, cast serious doubt on
those numbers and projects over the next several years the state would pay
billions of extra dollars (shortly after the change in administrations, the new
regime removed this and a successor paper from Health’s web site).
Further, initial data collected and actions since
implementation reduces the figure’s plausibility even further. Recently, Health
reported it underestimated
expansion costs by $376 million, or about
5 percent of all state-resourced Medicaid spending. Further, deals made to
fund adequately the state’s statutory requirement
that it provide free care at designated hospitals to anyone uninsured making
twice or below the federal poverty level received $135
million more, a 6 percent increase.
Health rather disingenuously brushed off the
half-a-billion-plus dollar cost escalation for indigent care by claiming
federal money would take care of it and any state share would be covered by a “sick
tax” on many hospitals and health maintenance organizations. Of course,
Louisianans pay those federal taxes and/or the debt that funds this “free”
federal money and also suffer higher insurance premiums and/or deductibles
and/or reductions in coverage and/or out-of-pocket expenses when hospitals and
insurers pass the sick tax along to them.
But Gee mentions none of this in her letter. After
writing my piece is “misleading,” she changed the subject entirely and provides
no evidence to sustain that argument. Instead, she launched into a laundry list
of positive outcomes supposedly linked to Medicaid expansion while providing no
evidence to prove it could produce better outcomes than any alternative
arrangement, nor addresses potential failures of a system that Sen. Bill Cassidy accurately calls
the “illusion of coverage without the power of access.” For example, it’s well
established that outcomes
for Medicaid clients are no better than those similarly situated without
insurance – yet incredibly she also claimed expansion will lead to better
outcomes than prior to it.
She also repeated the questionable and
unsubstantiated claim of savings and crowed about how, to date, the Medicaid budget
was in balance after in previous years it often not being so. Yet that’s a red
herring: the question is not whether the budget is balanced, but whether it was
too big to begin with, wasting money on a program where other approaches, even
doing nothing, would have produced at least as good outcomes for fewer taxpayer
dollars spent. For example, a reason much more may be spent than necessary is that
the “crowd out” phenomenon – people leaving and/or employers dropping employee
access to private insurance to enroll in Medicaid – puts people on government
rolls previously insured. Experts
believe that constitutes between 40-50 percent of new enrollees in expansion
(the Jindal report estimated 50 percent) – needlessly driving up taxpayer costs
if the goal was to insure the uninsured.
In the final analysis, Gee’s effort reflects the burgeoning
lack of transparency coming from Health under Edwards necessary when putting ideological
goals ahead of what’s truly best both for the indigent and the taxpayer. In the
face of incoming Republican control of the federal government by individuals
rightly skeptical of Medicaid expansion promising major changes to it if not
its elimination, this approach likely cannot last.
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