After qualifying for state and local elections for this fall in Louisiana has ended, the only question is whether Democrats can prevent their position from eroding further for state offices.
Concerning the seven statewide
elected positions, all presently in the hands of Republicans, that status seems
highly unlikely to change. They will hold the Treasurer’s position for sure with
incumbent John Kennedy the
overwhelming favorite. Fellow GOP members Secretary of State Tom Schedler and Agriculture Secretary Mike Strain almost certainly will win
without a runoff, while the GOP’s Insurance Commissioner Jim Donelon, with two Democrat opponents,
might get forced into a runoff but that he easily should win. If Republican Atty.
Gen. Buddy Caldwell doesn’t win
reelection, the GOP’s former Rep. Jeff
Landry is the heavy favorite to replace him.
Democrats state Rep. John Bel Edwards and Baton Rouge
Mayor-President Kip Holden are great
bets to advance to a runoff for the governor’s and lieutenant governor’s races,
respectively, but would be heavy underdogs to whichever Republican they would
face. The question isn’t whether Democrats can win one these spots, but instead
how conservative of a Republican will defeat them in their runoffs, with the
overall tilt to the right of the political spectrum also becoming more
pronounced among statewide elected officials if Landry wins.
Nor do Democrats look to reclaim any
ground from Republicans in legislative contests. In the state Senate, only six
open seats are held by Republicans now and they will lose one, the 24th
District as no Republican signed up to contest that one. However, they are
favored to capture the 12th and have a chance at the 29th,
an open Democrat seat that is a majority-black district with a black Republican
running against a white Democrat, which will show the relative strengths of
party and race in vote determination. In the other districts now held by them, Republicans
are expected to win and lose in the ones held by Democrats (in all, the GOP
will win a minimum of 18 seats while Democrats will claim a minimum of 8),
probably leaving their two-thirds chamber majority intact, if not improved.
In the House, few inter-party races
should be competitive in a way that would allow Democrats to eat into the GOP
majority. Only six total look like they go could either way, with incumbents Democrat
Dorothy Sue Hill of the 32nd,
Democrat Stephen Ortego of the 39th,
and Republican Ray Garofalo of the
103rd vulnerable. The other three are open seats, the 13th
currently Republican and the 41st and 60th now claimed by
Democrats. Flipping a coin, the GOP gains one from these.
Regarding all other seats, the incumbent
party (or no-party incumbent) is expected to win those (Republicans will win a
minimum of 44 while Democrats are guaranteed 34). Surprises always can pop up,
but they should be far and few between so, again, if any party gains this time
out, odds are it will be the Republicans, leaving them with a majority of
several seats.
As disheartening as this might be
for Democrats, it could have been worse, largely because Republicans did not
field candidates in several places that they could have taken over. In these
days and times, a good rule of thumb is a Republican can win in a district
where their numbers are roughly equal to the number of black Democrats and the
number of white Democrats is around twice their size or more (although the
greater the advantage of Republicans over black Democrats, the smaller the
white Democrat numbers can be).
Using this metric, the GOP would
have been competitive in state Sen. Gary
Smith’s 19th, state Sen. Eric
LaFleur’s 28th, state Rep. Gene Reynolds’
10th, state Rep. Robert Johnson’s
28th, state Rep. James Armes’ 30th,
state Rep. Mike
Danahay’s 33rd, state Rep. Bernard LeBas’
38th, state Rep. Jack Montoucet’s
42nd, state Rep. Truck Gisclair’s
54th, and state Rep. Neil Abramson’s
98th. While all of these incumbents ran again, quality candidates
would have had a decent chance to claim a couple of scalps. In addition, the
open 75th House District fits these metrics and would have presented
an excellent pickup opportunity.
More diligent party-building by the
state GOP might have given the party’s next governor more than a four-sevenths
advantage for the next four years. But having come to dominance in just the
past few years, it must learn how to press its natural advantage instead of
expending energy on controlling factionalism, which then might produce something
closer to the astounding majorities experienced by the Texas Republicans.
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