Like everybody else, putative Louisiana gubernatorial candidates struggled with offering solutions to the state’s tremendous roads and bridges backlog of $12.3 billion, if their discussion of this topic at a forum designed for that purpose conducted last week indicates anything.
As the state makes little headway on
this amount and seems slowly slipping behind in maintenance as well for roads,
the issue has grown in prominence. This year,
the state had allocated roughly $925 million in its capital outlay budget for
roads, or about half of
all total capital outlays, most coming from cash generated from bond sales.
This upcoming year the figure predicted
is $649 million, which doesn’t seem likely to reduce that wish list.
This total can be a bit deceptive, because
little bits and pieces of capital outlay requests can be found strewn through
the state’s operating budget as well. The largest portion is extra compensation
beyond legal requirements that the state gives to parishes for roads, around
$16 million. With the $60 million siphoned from the main funding mechanism for
roads construction, the Transportation Trust Fund, to pay for operating
expenses of the State Police, together
these could reach the goal of over $70 million a year for maintenance if
kept for that purpose.
Of course, this does not address
the backlog and the $60 million portion creates an extra problem, one which
gets at the heart of any attempt to reduce the backlog: beyond a certain point,
the state must use cash rather than indebtedness to fund capital outlay. That’s
because of the statutory
requirement that the state have as debt at most 6 percent of forecast
revenues. Only so many bonds can go out for that amount, and so anything in addition
to that would have to come from cash, or by cutting back on other capital
outlay requests not related to roads. So it all goes back to higher revenues,
which either provide more free cash to eat at the backlog, or raises the amount
available for debt.
One option could change the law, by
jacking up the limit (when passed in 1993, state debt exceeded 13 percent of
revenues and the law brought that down gradually). However, this only would
push the problem almost literally down the road, for higher future debt means
higher future payments which then eat into free cash available for roads or
other things. With the state already facing a cash crunch, unless policy-makers
want to gamble that revenues grow more quickly over the next few years –
keeping in mind that low interest rates that make borrowing attractive now may
well rise with the rate of revenue growth which creates inflationary pressures
that drive up the operating costs of government at a faster rate – this could
put the state operating budget in the future in worse shape with this extra
cost.
Another would amend the Constitution
and change statute
to allow money in the Budget Stabilization Fund to go towards capital outlay.
But that not only would be just a one-time fix that might address one
twenty-fifth of the backlog, it also would subvert the intention of the BSF,
which is as a savings account to help out the state when short on operating
expenses.
Raising fuel taxes also can serve
as an option, either using the current per unit rubric or by charging a
percentage of total sales value (even as falling oil prices has made this much
less effective as a revenue-raiser). Among the gubernatorial candidates, that
seemed to get short shrift, with the aspirants acknowledging with diversion of
those funds for operating expenses currently the public might not trust a tax hike.
A 2010
survey seems to bear out that thinking, as only 10 percent of respondents
supported the idea, but that increased to 55 percent when told the proceeds
only could go to construction.
If increasing revenues in some
fashion seems not politically possible nor wise, only one alternative exists to
address the backlog: better prioritization. As more than one candidate pointed
out, the system that establishes what gets funded when has become more determined
by politics than by actual need.
Presently, members of the
Transportation, Highways, and Public Works Committees of each legislative
chamber conduct hearings across the state from which they draw input to
recommendations made by the Department of Transportation and Development, then
deliver the vetted list, called the Highway Priority Program, to the
Legislature which may not add or delete projects. While the decisions for
inclusion can reflect political factors, that the Legislature can move projects
in priority – few not already started actually get funding, so getting them in
the priority pipeline is the key – really can bring politics into play.
With prioritization more accurately
reflecting need, then perhaps the backlog would not be as great as less worthy projects
do not get proposed, or at least more important things get done more quickly
and do not fester. Yet unaddressed by the candidates was how to change this
system to accomplish this presumed depoliticization.
Thus, because of these dynamics, no
one at this forum really came up with any tractable ideas to steer more money
to roads construction without disrupting the budget now or in the future. The
state awaits them or anybody else to come up with something, unless Louisianans
are ready and willing to embrace a tax increase.
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