Tuesday the Senate
advanced HB 1, which contains almost $500 million fewer than Edwards wishes
to spend. Today, it achieved
House concurrence and goes to him for his signature. He hopes to add to
those expenditures in a special session set to begin next week by engineering
tax increases.
However, with passage of this budget Edwards has
lost almost all of the leverage he has to grow state government permanently in
the overtime session. This leaves him with a choice of vetoing that spending
plan or not.
Accept the budget, and he becomes captive to
whatever the majority Republican Legislature offers as revenue-raising measures
in the special
session, which casts a broad net encompassing all of income tax bracket
adjustments, income tax deductions, general sales tax increases, tax credit
alterations, and eliminating all of part of other exceptions. Significantly, it
doesn’t specify whether these must be temporary or permanent.
Edwards’ best strategy would try to enable a
budgetary coup, as he did last
year when he enticed enough Republicans to defect in resisting the trimming
of this year’s spending plan. Because a governor has 20 days in which to sign,
veto, or make line item vetoes to an appropriations bill, he doesn’t have to
act upon it until after the special session expires Jun. 4.
In the interim, he could have House allies concoct
an alternative version and, if picking up enough defectors, get it through both
chambers. Then, he could reject the other version and present that one as a
necessity demanding revenues, making his preferred revenue-enhancement mechanisms
viable. But this is a longshot.
Otherwise, Republicans forward their revenue-raising
options, likely to focus on temporary renewal of a quarter- to half-cent of the
expiring sales one cent of sales tax plus wiping out some sales tax partial
exemptions, which they may wish to make permanent. In other words, what they
present will allow for little or no permanent growth of government.
And Edwards must swallow whatever they offer and
must lobby legislative Democrats to do the same (extensions must achieve two-thirds
majorities). Should the special session not produce new revenues, then he
becomes the guy who must implement cuts of nearly a quarter across all of the executive
branch save essentially health care and elementary and secondary education (of
state general fund dollars; the blow to some areas would be relatively small
given the large share of their expenditures accounted for by some or all of federal
funds, self-generated revenues, or statutory dedications).
So, Edwards must take what they give him, and doing
so finishes his plans to take Louisiana back to its free-spending populist
days. Next year, no one in the Legislature, facing fall elections, will want to
expand dramatically government with tax hikes, but his constant harping to do precisely
that plus inability to keep the state lurching from one fiscal crisis to
another as he promised in his campaign likely means the electorate will deny
him another four years after that.
Edwards has pitched a long battle to reverse
progress in the state, and legislative Republicans had to fight hard to prevent
that. They now have victory in their sights and following through will produce
a hard-fought win for the people as well.
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