Too often forgotten by
conservatives, at least among those who aren’t populists, is that the increased
intellectual demands underpinning their philosophy make cognitive demands on
many unfamiliar with its study that causes what appears obvious to its
articulators not to be understood fully by those receivers. (Conservatives of
the populist kind, like liberals in general, base their belief more on emotion
and faith with the consequent reduced ability to explain intellectually why
they accept it as the superior understanding of why the world works as it
does.) And it’s the practicality of translating abstract ideas into information
for mass consumption that may make or break the plan.
In essence, the plan
eliminates all state income taxes in favor of an increased sales tax on more
items, provides income support for individuals making $20,000 or less in
earning or those drawing retirement pay at $60,000 or less, eliminates some
exceptions to the tax code while retaining those designed to shield basic
necessities from sales taxes, and raises taxes dramatically on tobacco
consumption. The state calculates the net impact to be a small gain to the
lowest-income earners with higher gains for highest-income earners, while
business may end up paying more but will be advantaged by lower administrative
costs and an increased amount of revenue with more money in the mass public
freed up to be spent.
Naturally, this disturbs the political left because it discourages consumption and provides more incentive for investment. As the left depends upon a kind of voluntary servitude among its electoral supporters, adhering to the faith that government is needed to redress the presumed lottery-like results of free enterprise and that any inferior positions they may find themselves in that system has nothing to do with the quality of their own choices and talents, the attractiveness of consumption as a palliative is a key component to maintaining this fealty. By holding out encouragement of getting stuff as temptation away from aspirations of self-improvement through their own efforts that would require savings and investment, it better enables liberals to keep them under its control by instilling dependency on government into them.
So to win this battle, the
conservatives in the Jindal Administration must make sure they understand it
will be won by distilling complex ideas into rhetoric that is simpler, but not
oversimplified as is witnessed on the left, and act accordingly – also understanding
that their efforts will be resisted by the mainstream
media which sympathizes with the left on this issue. Thus, it is not
helpful in this regard when point man on the plan Department of Revenue
Executive Counsel Tim Barfield makes
remarks like “It's very clear that business will be taking more of this
burden” and “This is not an attempt to do tax reform on the back of the poor,”
because this insufficiently counteracts the false narrative of the left, which
is the effort is an attack on the “poor,” nor does this reassure that Louisiana-based
business is not inconvenienced.
Thus, communications about
this must disregard the framing the left tries to provide and instead provides
facts as they are, for the
truth will make you free. As such, on the plan (given it still has not been
completely revealed in all of its details) the political right needs to make
sure the following facts are presented often, over the kicking and screaming
objections of the left and any media sycophants allied with it:
The plan is true tax reform, not a “tax
shift.” Every household, because
of the different earning and consumption decisions it makes, will come out
differently in net resource change as a result of the plan’s implementation.
But on the whole, Department of Revenue analysis shows the typical
lowest-income household will be better off by it on a net basis, because of
the retention of things like the state’s Earned Income Tax Credit, sales tax
exemption on unprepared food, medicines, and utilities, and because of a new
rebate. Saving accrue in all brackets, the analysis shows. So for those who
claim otherwise, that the typical lower- or even middle-income individual will
pay more in net terms should be branded for what they are – ignorant or liars.
The key to this improvement
to the lot of the poorer is the generosity of the rebate, which at the reported
figure of $300 at the $20,000 income level means it is assumed that 80 percent
of that amount is spent on consumption of currently covered items – meaning just
20 percent is spent on currently exempt items such as unprepared food,
medicines, and utilities. Because of that overgenerous assumption concerning real-world
behavior, it disproportionately favors
the poor compared to the current system. While the figures for retirees
have yet to be revealed, that also may be the case for them. If so, the
Administration needs to trumpet those facts to audiences of the poor and
retirees, even though this preferential treatment might upset a bit those who
are neither.
Finally, do not allow
opponents to dictate the rhetoric. Every time they and the media spout the line
that this is a sales tax “hike
of 47 percent,” respond with it is a 100
percent decrease in income taxes with additional rebates for the poor and
retirees.
Do not apologize for helping those few who pull the
wagon filled with the many. While the
plan for this reason might stoke a little envy from the non-poor, non-retirees,
opponents will try to twist it the other way into full-blown class warfare by pointing
out the absolutely larger income tax breaks that higher-income households will
enjoy. The response needs to be, so what? Why should some getting a break be
envious of others that are getting in absolute terms a larger break when in
relative terms (by including the rebate, etc.) there’s little difference – and where’s
the fairness in (using the latest
data) that households $20,000 and under in income that represent 40 percent
of all returns are paying just 7.2 percent of all state income taxes while
those making over $60,000, or 24 percent of all returns, are paying 76.1
percent of all state income taxes?
As part of this, remind
those who are retired that do not depend significantly on government transfer
payments – that is, not those who banked much of their retirement on Social
Security or a state or local government pension – that they can save an awful
lot a year under the plan. For someone making $100,000 a year off of retirement
investments not connected to government, an extra $6,000 a year is quite an
inducement not to move to Texas, Tennessee, of Florida and take it all with
them. And remind those that do get a significant chunk of their retirement
earnings from government that this will remain exempt (as it is currently to
varying degrees) as well through a rebate program.
Finally, point out to those
of higher incomes with higher deductible items on the federal income taxes that
even if they will be unable to claim deductibility for state income tax, they
still have the option to do so for sales taxes they pay – which theoretically
would be higher and thereby provide useful deductibility. And that, just like
with the poorer, wealthier households typically will experience a net resource
gain.
Reassure existing Louisiana businesses that this
genuine tax reform will enhance their prospects. The analysis forecasts a net cost to businesses
under the proposal. While their incomes no longer will be taxed, as about 83
percent pay no income taxes and those with incomes of more than $1 million
annually or less than 1 percent of the total pay 89.6 percent of all corporate
state income taxes, many may not see a benefit from this, as their business
will be reduced by having to pass on to their customers higher sales taxes that
will discourage consumption of their goods or services, and that some of their
services not taxed by the state that would be will have done to them the same.
However, this presents a somewhat-misleading
picture of small business in the state. Many owners have their operations
treated as individual income, despite the higher potential rates they may pay,
so they will see tax relief with the abolishment of all income taxation. This
should be emphasized by proponents, as well as that compliance costs will go
down without the necessity of filing on behalf of the business and for their
employees’ state income. It may still be that business as a whole pays more,
but for owners and shareholders who comprise those businesses, the less they
pay in aggregate on their own accounts will more than offset that increased
cost.
And that it will enhance everyone else’s prospects as
well, including state and local governments’. The reason why this is true tax reform is because it creates a more
efficient economic system. As academic
research consistently has shown, systems light on investment taxes (such as
on income) and heavier on consumption taxes (such as on sales) do the best job
of generating wealth at all levels of societal wealth. The plan is built on the
demonstrated dynamism of the real-life economy, often disparaged by the
constipated static analysis of the left that disbelieves that humans behave as
free beings according to self-interest guided by incentives and disincentives, and
thus will cause economic growth benefitting all – more jobs at higher wages
with higher investment incomes.
Included in the benefits of
economic exapnsion will be Louisiana state government and local governments. They
will have a more robust tax base and find themselves required to pay less for performing
fewer social and welfare-related services. And in the case of state government,
it will have a procedurally easier time of doing business as revenue flows
become more predictable, for income
taxation, especially with progressivity, is the most notoriously difficult to predict
and most prone to fluctuation. With that removed and the more stable base
of sales taxation increased in prominence, forecasting for budgeting purposes
should become better.
Yes, smokers will pay more and some industries (such as natural
resources) will see higher excise taxes. But in the long run, there are many more
net winners than losers under the plan as outlined to date and there will be
disproportionately as many of these at lower income levels as at the higher
end. Conservatives, and the Jindal Administration, cannot assume this general
statement and the specific proofs of it above will receive any hearing, much
less a fair one, among the public unless they explain it and explain it often
in these terms. To do anything less invites the distortion of rhetoric to
defeat a plan that empowers people.
1 comment:
The whole Kool-aid and nothing but the Kool-aid.
Drink up! Drink up!
Post a Comment