The city council had considered
passing an ordinance that would have prohibited “remaining in essentially
one location for no obvious reason, to linger, to saunter, to dawdle, to stand
around ... or to otherwise spend time idly” in any public place. The effort
came in response to complaints about individuals, presumably homeless,
lingering around areas of a city park including full-blown camping, who also
trundle over to the nearby parish library to use the bathrooms.
However, anti-loitering laws have a high
constitutional burden to overcome, compounded by a recent U.S. Supreme Court
decision in the related area of panhandling,
at least concerning outdoor public spaces. Laws against loitering in indoor
public spaces, such as the library under an existing Jefferson Parish statute,
have faced a much lower constitutional burden of proof. Simply, such laws typically
criminalize way too much potential behavior to withstand constitutional
challenge.
Yet having the homeless make the park their living rooms does diminish its value to other members of the public as well as subvert the intention of a public park. Especially as a portion of the homeless typically abuse alcohol and drugs – data are hard to come by on this account, but apparently about a fifth have substance abuse problems, another fifth suffer from mental illness, and the rest involuntarily or otherwise don’t have a residence, with some overlap – the city has every reason to wish to prevent that element from congregating there out of public safety concerns.
Thus, policy should create conditions that not
only provide for the public’s needs, but do so in a way that encourages the
individuals involved to address whatever causes them to end up homeless. So, while
governments can’t make homelessness criminal, they can do their best to make it
as uncomfortable as possible that steers people to avenues out of it.
The segment of mentally ill homeless aside, a few
simple measures would accomplish with regards to the other three segments of
the homeless – addicts, those who have experienced absolutely unforeseen economic
difficulties, and those pursuing the lifestyle by choice. With these measures,
raising the costs of a homeless lifestyle reduces its seeming value and
increases their receptivity to engaging in behavior that takes them away from
living on the streets.
For example, Kenner could, as the city said it has
investigated, simply close and lock the park during certain hours. This would
reduce dramatically the homeless there since they could not sleep in the park
and would be separated from their stuff for a good portion of the day. An anti-camping
ordinance also may work, and an allied law that would disallow any kind of
shelter or display.
Not only do these kinds of measures enhance the
value of a park for public use, they also make it more difficult for people to
take hits or to make themselves more comfortable relative to this lifestyle. It
would encourage them to sober up (by using their own will or by seeking help),
to look for work (only about a quarter of the homeless are employed), to access
charitable and social service agencies (especially needed for many homeless
youth), or even to accept temporary shelter (some chronic homeless resist
shelters even with the most minimal rules).
In short it helps the homeless try to help
themselves (many try regardless, as the average period of homelessness last
only two months, although long-term homeless people typically have several
bouts of short-term experience prior to that). If Kenner or any other Louisiana
municipality wishes to improve quality of life in their boundaries and push
people onto a path that improves their lives, this approach will do that.
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