Reelection driving Shreveport new spending choices

Take a look at what Shreveport elected officials stump for in increased spending and you can tell it’s an election year.

Last week, Republican Mayor Tom Areceneaux announced, because of presumed higher sales tax collections from a data center siting in the city, that he would put into the budget, and start it a month before the next fiscal year (after the general election but before the runoff), pay raises and other potential bonuses for public. He thought for police the cost for around a 5 percent bump plus things like recruitment bonuses and for other achievements that could push it towards 8 percent plus a 6 percent firefighter raise would end up in the neighborhood of $7 million annually.

In essence, Arceneaux basically declares that the data center – apparently more its construction than operation as he indicated he saw this pop upwards would last only four or five years, or about the time a second term of his would end – will add 4 percent more sales tax revenues for a sustained period. Yet that asks for some optimistic math.

LA must fight to prevent dispensing dangerous drug

Louisiana’s intersection increasingly at the cutting edge of policy-making refreshingly continues with its pursuit of a suit designed to show deliberately designed unfettered access to chemical abortions can be dangerous to more than just the unborn and to reinstate rules to prevent that outcome.

The use of mifepristone as the second agent to kill in the womb (following misoprostol) the state has led the way in trying to have through the courts reimposed a Food and Drug Administration ban against doling out the drugs except during a doctor’s office visit. The Democrat Pres. Joe Biden Administration embraced the dictates of leftist abortion-on-demand advocates to remove that requirement in the wake of the Supreme Court decision that ruled unconstitutional federal government attempts to regulate abortion.

That move became a key element in the left’s strategy to prevent individual tighter state regulation from reducing abortion. The left celebrates the practice not only because of its assertive ideological-confirming performance that also counts coup over conservatives who largely favor pro-life restrictions, but also because of its background unspoken eugenics-based racism that doesn’t mind in a country that even as whites comprise almost 70 percent of the population that almost 70 percent of abortions are achieved by non-whites.

The campaign to dilute the ability of states to limit severely abortion availability within their borders has succeeded to the point that the number of abortions nationwide actually has increased since that 2022 decision despite many states imposed greater restrictions shortly thereafter. Remote prescribing largely is blame with a sharp increase in that, now making the deadly pills easily obtainable through the mail in almost an over-the-counter fashion with no guarantee that the requestor is the receiver of these, or even is legitimately asking.

Precisely as intended. The system was concocted specifically to thwart state bans and making the dispensing as easy as buying candy. And why, if the Republican Pres. Donald Trump Administration as it may do soon doesn’t return to rule to its previous form, the courts should because mifepristone, as Louisiana argues, reveals itself as an inherently dangerous drug.

Leftist media always evade the growing evidence of this, where women are being tricked, if not coerced through the use of violence, into swallowing the dangerous substance that often causes them health complications and usually killing the unborn they harbor. Almost always it’s the sperm donor who perpetrates these crimes, and frequently they obtain the pills through exploiting the now hardly-regulated system set up to fail.

A reality against which pro-abortion views have no defense. After all, pro-abortionists admit humanity to an organism genetically human only when it’s “wanted,” making the validity of human life and the individual involved contingent on somebody else’s emotions. Yet in these abuse cases the women involved look forward to giving birth but pro-abortion attitudes by permitting lack of restrictions in essence put these females in positions where they have no choice, which ironically the pro-abortion crowd alleges, to shield themselves from the moral implications of what they advocate, that “choice” lies behind their advocacy.

Simply, by nature the drug is dangerous, but pro-abortionists redefine that away when it’s used willingly to kill the unborn. But in the current regulatory regime where anything goes, those who don’t want to kill the young humans they carry cannot be protected adequately from others who wish their unborn charges dead. Only by restoring the regime to its previous state can that risk be minimized adequately.

That’s why it’s important that Louisiana continue its legal quest to have restored, one way or the other, the old rules. Lives and women’s desires depend upon that.

Tweaked BC district should replace those junked

Not inherent flaws leaving something fixable but trying to do too much too perfectly sunk the proposed pair of economic development districts proposed in Bossier City.

Last week, the city threw in the towel, for now, on an EDD encompassing only the city’s four casinos and another taking in the East Bank district plus capturing hotels, the Louisiana Boardwalk, and the Chasing Aces golf driving complex. The legislative author of the idea, Republican City Councilor Chris Smith, conceded it went too far too fast, with confusion over what was being taxed or alarmed with a 2 percent sales or occupancy surcharge within the districts, concern over a nebulous governing structure that appeared to favor out-of-town casino interests, and uncertainty over spending because of that structure and its outsourcing management to an area interest group that had no experience in these matters who seemed to drive the process in the first place.

That said, the idea isn’t irredeemable. The city finds itself in a tough spot, burdened by three decades of foolish spending choices that left too much debt, without the servicing of which money could be dedicated to district matters. With a more constrained budget as a result, district occupants could swallow a fair and equitable tax increase, knowing it will reduce their business for pricing reasons, if the proceeds go to the district and stimulate business at least enough to compensate.

Time ripe to zero out LA residential property taxes

Debate over Amendment #6 that voters will weigh in upon this fall illustrates a tax system so riddled with exceptions that the best strategy might be to dispense with property tax on homesteads.

The amendment would build upon the special assessment level now granted constitutionally to individuals 65 or older, as well as to some younger who are disabled or who are widows and widowers of those who once qualified (which includes active duty members of the armed service killed in the line of duty), as long as they remain at that homestead that is not significantly improved and their income doesn’t exceed (starting next year) $150,000. This exemption freezes the assessed value of the property at the last quadrennial round’s amount, almost certainly reducing property taxes that otherwise would be paid.

Each municipality and parish would have a chance to opt into this by popular vote, and if passed all taxing bodies in their jurisdictions would have to abide by the decision. If passed, it would increase the homestead exemption based on age, at the oldest range going far above the current $75,000. School boards in particular have complained that with this they would have no say in what happens to their ability to raise revenues, and it would create confusion and inequity if some municipalities in a district opt in and other out, or the parish does or doesn’t compared to the municipalities within it. For example, while Monroe derives about 8 percent of its total non-business revenues from ad valorem taxation, Monroe City Schools with the same boundaries gets about 16 percent.

Reworking, not money, best for child care policy

Rather than throw more money at a perceived problem, perhaps Louisiana should reconceptualize how it addresses child care.

Money that the country didn’t have was thrown at states, through federal government grants, during the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic to give families – read single parents mostly mothers, who comprise the vast bulk of Child Care Assistance Program recipients – more money to pay for child care. The program will subsidize at varying amounts (plus for some a small co-payment) depending on family resources for at least part-time working or training parents with children under age 13 (18 if with disability) and who are citizens or legal residents.

While the leftist agenda of growing government and hoping it sticks lasted well after the pandemic could be used as a justification for it, eventually the bonus money faded away. Regardless, Louisiana chronically has had a waiting list for participation, even as it has chipped in the range of $80 million annually over the last few years (the federal government will provide a match for state spending).

Fully funded ESA program to give LA boost

Real world experience may have mooted the argument against Louisiana implementing fully its GATOR program on cost considerations.

This program provides an education savings account for public schoolchildren of school age (5-21) who have an income at or below 250 percent of the federal poverty limit. It may be spent on tuition or a number of other services or items related to education. Eventually, it will expand first to incorporate families up to the 400 percent level, then finally open to all families regardless of income level.

However, this depends upon legislative appropriation to fund it for all eligible families, which could cost in the $100 million range just to fulfill all requests from the first cohort. It could double that to fulfill the others. Instead, for the past couple of years the Legislature allocated basically enough only to cover participating families in the prior version of the program predicated on allowing escape from failing schools, around $43 million.

Defeat spendthrift Caddo’s sports boondoggle

Overtaxed Caddoans, get set to receive a sales pitch this week about a low-priority sports complex that won’t come close to paying for itself, whether measured tangibly or intangibly.

In three sessions, the parish will present an idea for a complex that will allow for a variety of indoor sports – including pickleball, on which last year it already blew $10 million for a dedicated facility on land owned by the Northwest Louisiana YMCA. Outdoor sports around it also remain a possibility.

Perhaps it could have used that $10 million as it says the parish through debt issuance will cover only $60 million of a projected $70 million cost and apparently has hat in hand for that remainder. As of yet Caddo Parish commissioners haven’t decided where to put it, which they might want to do as voters will decide on whether to grant that debt request Nov. 3.

LA politicians shouldn’t back college subversion

It might make for good politics, but it’s bad law and devalues education for politicians to support efforts, encouraged by Louisiana State University, to allow professional athletes to play their sport at Louisiana institutions of higher learning.

As college football has begun, much attention has focused on the efforts of a number of former college players who participated in National Football League camps who wish to return to playing in college after their attempts to latch onto an NFL team failed. They do so on the basis of a ruling made by the National Collegiate Athletic Association, a group of conferences comprised of different school classified into different competitive categories, at summer’s beginning that allows five years of eligibility for athletes.

The previous rule had allowed only four years, except for extenuating circumstances most often caused by injury that had a student missing much of a season. The new rule gives everybody five years, although additional eligibility could be granted only under uncommon circumstances.

Monroe Council Democrats delay may cost public

Difficult-to-explain political maneuvering by Monroe’s Democrat City Council majority potentially has put the city’s citizens in a tough spot.

Last week, the Council again deferred action on a pair of master service agreements with two established engineering firms. Use of MSAs occurs commonly in local governments, which basically is like a retainer: on short notice, the city could call upon these entities to provide services at agreed-upon rates. For example, if a water or sewer line became inoperative or a sinkhole opened up on a street, a firm could be called quickly to the scene to map out a fix and then a contractor (likely on a different agreement) could implement that as quickly as possible to minimize disruption. Shortly thereafter the Council would pass an ordinance declaring that emergency and appropriating money for the repairs.

Without MSAs, there’s no guarantee that issues could be addressed rapidly and probably would cost more. The city’s current arrangements expired at the end of June, before the Council first took up the ordinances that then were tabled at the majority’s behest. MSAs also allow work to commence on regular non-emergency projects as yet without appropriations.

Changes needed to reduce BC EDD riskiness

All the fancy footwork in the world can’t hide the fact that as Bossier City plunges forward with creation of two new taxing districts it risks picking winners and losers among businesses and invites future elected officials to help themselves to increased tax collections.

This week, the City Council approved the boundaries of these. One gulps in the city’s four casinos while the other basically radiates out from the East Bank District to the Arthur Ray Teague Parkway to the south, to the Red River to the West, up to and over Texas Street especially along the river to the north, and to Hamilton Road and somewhat down Barksdale Boulevard to the railroad tracks the west, excluding some professional and industrial concerns and residences.

The ordinances fixed boundaries, and within these empowered the City Council to levy sales and occupancy taxes, established a management board in common for both headed by the head of the Greater Bossier Economic Development Foundation and eight others members (listing needed qualifications) appointed by the mayor, created a trust fund to hold collections from any avails which would be commingled, and defined uses for those funds in support of transportation, streetscaping, utilities, beautification, security, and for grants to new and existing businesses. Other details would come in the form of a cooperative endeavor agreement which it authorized the mayor to pursue.