Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
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20.10.16
Maness claim signals his campaign's death throes
If we needed any confirmation that the vanity
campaign of former 2014 Senate candidate Republican Rob Maness survives now only through
artificial respiration, that came this week courtesy of a bizarre
claim by Maness.
On the day of the major candidates’ debate – to
which minor candidate Maness did not score an invitation – he alleged a bribe
offering came his way to exit the contest, from somebody supposedly connected
to the Better
Louisiana PAC, established to support the Senate candidacy of GOP Rep. John Fleming. He contended that
an official, Paul Dickson, told him “he would provide opportunities for my
future, if I left the race for Senate and endorsed John Fleming;” otherwise, he
alleges being told he would be “finished as a politician.” A Maness aide
present claims that statement accurately summarizes the conversation, and
Maness said he would “file a criminal complaint” about the incident in the near
future.
Dickson, a principal in Shreveport-based
pharmaceutical distributor Morris & Dickson, has no direct affiliation with the
PAC. However, his company represents the one
and only donor to it, of $100,000 a year ago. He confirmed the meeting but
denied making such offer, saying that he emphasized throughout the conversation
that he promised no deals for a withdrawal.
19.10.16
LA Senate debaters successfully stake out territory
While certainly less shrill and therefore not as
entertaining as the presidential debates to date, the Louisiana U.S. Senate
debate among the five major candidates broadcast on Louisiana PublicBroadcasting gave viewers a look at distinct strategies to advance themselves.
Each may be summed by a single phrase, beginning with the rookie.
18.10.16
LA 2016 amendments: first three up, next three down
If it’s fall, it’s time to contemplate amendments
to the Louisiana Constitution and, as always, this space is here to help
readers sort it all out. So, what do we have?
Amendment
#1 would place educational or experiential qualifications on registrars of
voters. None currently exist, making it easier for insiders and relatives of
registrars to nab these jobs, to which parish governing authorities appoint.
The experiential qualification does nothing to discourage this, particularly in
smaller jurisdictions, but the other educational criteria at least prevents
blatant favoritism for certain candidates. Yes.
Amendment
#2 would move tuition and fee authority in higher education from the
Legislature to the four college management boards. While statute gives some
authority for this to happen presently, that could change and put Louisiana
back entirely into the situation where it and one other state are the only ones
whose legislatures micromanage in this fashion, making flexibility more
difficult to achieve in optimal pricing decisions. This change would not
produce runaway increases, not only because market forces control pricing, but
also as elected officials, who will not want that scenario to occur to stay in
voters’ good graces, appoint members to these boards. Yes.
17.10.16
New NO housing plan's basis sets it up to fail
As if we needed another example of how both the
Pres. Barack
Obama Administration nationally and the Mayor Mitch Landrieu in New Orleans fall
prey to ideology over how the world really works, here
comes an “Assessment of Fair Housing” document that puts wishful thinking
ahead of the realities of human behavior.
A few months ago the U.S. Department of Housing
and Urban Affairs promulgated a final rule under the Fair Housing Act alleging
to address the propensity of its Housing Choice Voucher Program – better known
as Section 8 – recipients clustering. Most properties participating in the program
appear in lower-income, higher-crime areas, and as racial minorities
disproportionately comprise recipients (about 25 percent Hispanic and 45
percent black nationally), this tends to concentrate minority participants in
those areas given typically lower incomes of minority households. The rule
seeks to desegregate racial concentrations by having jurisdictions compile data
and make policy to steer minorities involved towards other, typically higher-rent
neighborhoods.
As 98 percent of New Orleans program users are
racial minorities, concentration particularly occurs. Unlike many
local governments who fought the promulgation because it essentially
creates an unfunded mandate of record-keeping, the city opened it with welcome
arms, becoming the country’s first jurisdiction to cough up the plan required
to continue gathering federal dollars to fund the program. It banks change on
using new flexibility to increase ceilings on reimbursements to landlords, considering
to require builders who utilize the Low Income Housing Tax Credit to guarantee
below-market rates for a longer period of time than the law’s minimum (an
option left up to jurisdictions, as well as the proportion of low-income
residents required), and on creating of a housing registry that could identify
units deemed substandard and declared ineligible for program participation.
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