Earlier
this year, these schools won a battle to maintain public funding for some
of them when the Louisiana Supreme Court correctly ruled them as public
schools, even if run privately. A union and school district filed a legal
challenge alleging they weren’t, but the Court astutely noted
that the schools in question, which fell into a special chartering category,
contrary to the plaintiffs argument met the test that they were as “public
schools” didn’t equate to “city and parish school systems.”
Thus, one attempt by anti-choice forces to knock
out a segment of charter schools failed. But on another front they succeeded
last week in federal court.
A U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals panel ruled against a New Orleans charter school operator that sought to prevent unionization. The three judges wrote that, despite a designation as a public school, it saw the intertwining of federal and state law – labor law and education law, respectively – causing in the eyes of the federal government for it to treat Louisiana charter schools as non-government entities.
In essence, the very political independence that
serves as a strength of charter schools also means federal law sees these as private
sector entities that must conform to federal labor law that imposes collective
bargaining activity. The court even explicitly rejected that the funding
decision decided under state law automatically ratified that charter schools
must exist as political subdivisions; in other words, “public school” didn’t
equate to “political subdivision.”
That determined, this sets up an interesting
experiment. With this decision, now four charter schools in New Orleans must
submit to union influence, and whether such influence makes them less effective
is the major question.
The problem is that, as separate entities, schools
individually must spend large sums to come up with a deal. While some may
have the chance to draw upon outside resources as parts of larger networks,
standalone schools face a severe financial disadvantage when facing off against
unions allied nationally. Not only does this forced conflict take away precious
classroom resources, it also creates a disincentive to resist the more rapacious
demands of unions which additionally dilute effectiveness.
It shouldn’t be long before these deleterious
effects become noticeable. A couple of years have passed since the first contracts
went into effect, and in a couple of more years the data will exist to compare
progress of unionized with nonunionized schools, although analysts will have to
disentangle the impact as it relates to whether a school has selective
admissions, which might require even more years of data.
Unions have served as a major impediment towards
improved education in America, because they put the wants of adults ahead of
the needs of children. This decision only increases that burden, and changing
the federal law to allow charter schools that don’t want collective bargaining immunity
from it merits Congressional consideration.
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