In fact, if such supermajorities do not agree prior to session’s end, then a shortfall in that amount would remain. The same would result if scheduling a Fund draw but at an amount Democrats find too low, who then block the draw (or the appropriations bill with some GOP helpers). The question then is what would have to happen next, for depending upon the consequences this could affect whether that deal gets done or if legislative leaders and Edwards will have to make last-minute adjustments reducing reliance on the Fund.
Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
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21.2.17
GOP legislative leaders control deficit deal fate
Although a deal seems afoot to resolve Louisiana’s
latest budgetary shortfall, what
if it doesn’t come off?
The special session that ends legally tomorrow
Democrat Gov. John Bel
Edwards called to close the gap. That came about beginning when on Jan. 27
the Joint Legislative
Committee on the Budget confirmed a $304 million general fund deficit
existed.
At that point, according to the Constitution and
fleshed out in statute,
Edwards had the option (the word “may” features prominently in all language
regarding procedures in this instance) of making cuts on his own, with JLCB
blessing, of up to three percent per budget unit for most appropriated spending.
If he can close the gap to seven-tenths of a percent – almost $63 million in
this instance, he can ratchet that shaving of up to five percent in most
instances.
However, Edwards skipped this step completely and went
straight to what happens if regardless of having taken those maneuvers the difference
remained after 30 days: the special session. At present, the chambers seem able
to pass enough cuts and redirections of money to leave a gap of around $90-100
million. But whether the necessary two-thirds of each chamber would vote to fill
that remainder with money from the Budget Stabilization Fund continues up in
the air.
In fact, if such supermajorities do not agree prior to session’s end, then a shortfall in that amount would remain. The same would result if scheduling a Fund draw but at an amount Democrats find too low, who then block the draw (or the appropriations bill with some GOP helpers). The question then is what would have to happen next, for depending upon the consequences this could affect whether that deal gets done or if legislative leaders and Edwards will have to make last-minute adjustments reducing reliance on the Fund.
If rejection of any Fund money transpires,
essentially a reset could occur immediately. The Republican-dominated JLCB
could vote to confirm a new deficit the day after the session’s end. Assuming
its size at the minimum negotiation level of $90 million, that allows for
Edwards to start making reductions at the higher five percent level, which he
wants to avoid if at all possible. Thus, if threatened by this, he might go
ahead and acquiesce to the use of fewer Fund dollars.
Yet, as noted already, the language makes all of
this optional on his part. So, he could avoid making cuts up to 30 days, and
with that strategy the Legislature would have to come into special session no
later than Mar. 25, 16 days prior to the beginning of the regular session. Yet if
the JLCB waited until Mar. 13 to confirm the deficit, then the period of action
falls into the regular session where constitutionally the Legislature has until
its end – at maximum, 23 days until the end of the fiscal year – to erase the
deficit.
The JLCB may wish to delay for two reasons: the legislative
leadership that controls it may feel comfortable with a deal that uses $20-30
million fewer than the Fund maximum and thus wish to neutralize more fiscally
conservative elements that otherwise wield a potential veto over Fund use in
order to exact bigger spending cuts, or it feels that the revenue picture may
brighten over the next month and obviate the need for cuts. Either scenario Edwards
fervently desires, given he would do anything to avoid reducing the size of
government any further, not only given his big government ideology but also because
it would add ammunition to his narrative that tax
reform must take a form inducing a net hike in revenues collected to
support a higher level of spending.
Thus, whatever leverage conservatives have in
forcing Edwards to slash more spending really depends upon the Republican
leadership’s enthusiasm on that score, through its control of the JLCB. Even
that is tough-and-go: while most GOP House members on it would hold the line if
so asked (perhaps only state Rep. Bubba Chaney
might defect), Sen. Pres. John Alario
has seemed very lukewarm on the idea, and allies of his on it such as state
Sens. Norby Chabert, Ronnie Johns, Danny Martiny, and Blade Morrish, combined with all
Democrats, could sink any attempt for any early declaration that starts the
clock.
In the final analysis, any deal depends upon GOP
leaders’ willingness to force Edwards into calling another special session as
the price for not making additional cuts on his own, balanced with the option
of having the Legislature make deeper cuts now. If they pass deeper cuts now
that either Democrats defeat (by nixing the Fund draw) or Edwards vetoes, that
makes for worse political fallout for him and his party, especially when
followed up by another special session that makes Edwards and Democrats look
obstructionist and wasteful in holding out for bigger government.
Republicans have the upper hand in this contest of
wills, if only they seriously wish to use their leverage.
In fact, if such supermajorities do not agree prior to session’s end, then a shortfall in that amount would remain. The same would result if scheduling a Fund draw but at an amount Democrats find too low, who then block the draw (or the appropriations bill with some GOP helpers). The question then is what would have to happen next, for depending upon the consequences this could affect whether that deal gets done or if legislative leaders and Edwards will have to make last-minute adjustments reducing reliance on the Fund.
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