Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
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12.1.17
Flawed LA Regents report needs serious adjusting
Well, it ended up as false advertisement, but with
modifications the draft
response of the Louisiana Board of Regents to a legislative study request
can make the state’s higher education system significantly more effective and
efficient.
Act 619 of
2016 set the state’s governance board for higher education on course to
review comprehensively delivery of post-secondary education. When commencing
this effort last fall, leaders
said they would produce a document with “bold” recommendations.
Instead, the finished product unveiled
this week comes off as mild as a church mouse, which undoubtedly will
disappoint the bill’s author, Republican state Sen. Sharon Hewitt. Months ago, she asked for
very specific items for the Legislature to tackle in the near future. She and
other legislators widely expected the effort to include guidance on
streamlining the governance system and establishing a lower number of senior institutions.
If they did not understand the mindset of higher
education administration before, with the report’s release they do now. Asking
for those kinds of changes would reduce the amount of resources and people
under control over higher education, and it never willingly will surrender any
of that, especially when backed by some politicians who count upon those
resources as tools to entice their reelection prospects.
Thus, the report on both questions punts,
declaring it will not opine on matters established by law or the Constitution.
This dramatically diminishes any value of the report, for the issue of the
overbuilt and duplicative condition of Louisiana higher education at the macro
level acts as the trunk of the tree for achieving efficient delivery, and every
other issue branches from it.
The final report hopefully will rectify that, and
a good starting point comes from the report’s look at the micro aspects of
efficiency, in the area of program/degree offerings and support services. It
uses the Regional Labor Market Area designation to analyze this issue, calling
for coordination within these. The same template can apply to institutional restructuring
(exclusive of the medical schools), where the Capital/Florida Parishes and Northshore/Orleans
area regions could have two senior institutions and four junior institutions
serve these, while the other six regions would have one senior and three junior
institutions permitted. This would require consolidations and demotions of
institutions, if not closures.
But, if the final report fails to make this
consideration, then legislators must revisit the issue and legislate explicit
orders to the Regents to do that. Related to that, the final version also must
address the uncoordinated nature of the four management boards, which defy the
classification system introduced by the Regents that defines schools as
comprehensive, specialized (i.e. research and professional), statewide,
regional, or community and technical. The Louisiana State University System has
four of these kinds, the Southern University System three, the University of
Louisiana System two, while only the Louisiana Community and Technical College
System unsurprisingly displays some coherence with just the one type under its
jurisdiction.
Far more rational would be to confine systems to
no more than two kinds of school without duplicating the combination. For
example, LSU would have the specialized and comprehensive schools, ULS would
have all the statewide and regional schools, LCTCS would maintain as is, and
SUS would have its institutions parceled out to or merged into the other
systems. Again, failure of the final report to do so would necessitate further legislation
ordering the Regents to report on system restructuring.
Beyond these crucial aspects, at the margins the
report provides some useful information, although every unevenly if not
contradictorily. For example, it recommends allowing another round of Granting Resources
and Autonomy for Diplomas contracts for schools that give them some control
over tuition, and extension of increased fee-setting ability, yet also stumps
for the horrible idea of setting a minimum floor of state subsidization while
suggesting unlocking other dedications to allow sending more appropriations to
higher education.
Nor does it recommendations regarding student aid
rise above mediocrity. It advises somewhat sensibly in reference to the Taylor
Opportunity Program for Scholars by asking either for graduated funding of TOPS
increasing the farther along a student progresses to degree completion or for a
fixed grant to all qualifiers. However, none of this gets at the root of the
TOPS problem: it’s not a merit-based program because of low standards, nor does
it act as need-based, but instead serves as an entitlement that works
inefficiently because of its generosity, originally defined as paying all
tuition for eight regular semester equivalents.
Yet, unwittingly, the report contains the seeds of
adjustment to TOPS if policy-makers don’t have the courage to make it into a
true merit-based program. Until last year, any funding of the program that fell
short of full would have awarded on the basis of merit to qualify for the
program. Unfortunately, in the face of realizing it likely would not receive
full funding, the entitlement mentality won out and policy-makers changed the
law to award it proportionately per qualifying student. As it turned out, that
represented for the basic award for senior institutions only about 70 percent of the whole.
Simultaneously, another law
passed that fixed the amount given in TOPS money to the academic year 2017 award
amount in perpetuity unless the Legislature chose to increase that level. The
way it commonly was conceived to work was whatever tuition charged in AY 2017
would be the TOPS award, so if tuition increased in the future to catch up to
that the Legislature would have to vote affirmatively to raise that level.
However, the language of the law actually sets the
amount at the 70 percent funding level in play for this academic year. The
report urges the Legislature to correct that to the actual tuition levels
charged this year, but that tactic would destroy a useful corrective that fell
into policy-makers’ laps: the lower the level of subsidization, the fewer ill
effects it realizes. Rather than graduating funding or fixing it across all
institutions, if policy-makers lack the courage to turn TOPS into a genuine scholarship
program, they simply should do nothing and make the 70 percent of AY 2017 funding
the new norm.
There are more suggestions worth parsing, but, in
the final analysis, the draft presented lacks the necessary boldness to do more
than make marginal helpful changes. If the final version looks like this,
legislators must order Louisiana higher education to try again and try harder.
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