That’s the implication from a report
issued by Tulane University researchers, who compiled a profile of the
racial and sexual characteristics of Louisiana’s judges the municipal level all
the way to the Supreme Court. Unfortunately, the authors have not released it
online where the public could judge the comprehensiveness and quality of their
efforts.
They note that, in demographic terms, minorities
and women remain underrepresented in robes, at both the state level and
typically at the parish level, with one major exception. They do not ascribe causes
for this, but assert that benefits would accrue from ameliorating this
condition, saying that efforts to “demystify” the judiciary would produce greater
proportions of minorities and women wielding the gavel to bring more “credibility.”
Hogwash. Justice must be color- and equipment-blind, where judicial temperament cannot allow personal characteristics to affect decision-making. Declaring “representativeness” a desirable condition indicts the present sitting members of the judiciary, implying that they cannot decide fairly when cases involve mixtures of race and gender that depends upon their own characteristics, so therefore we must have demographic balance for true impartiality.
That constipated view aside – reinforced by their
observation that Orleans Parish has the most “diverse” judiciary in the state, which
in reality has a preponderance of women and an overwhelming proportion of black
jurists meaning it hasn’t much diversity at all – if one wants a larger proportion
of women and especially minorities rendering decisions, two things can change
that without government intervention: more minorities registering to vote and
greater diversity, especially among minorities, in political party choices.
Perhaps inconveniently for the diversity agenda, Louisiana
at all levels of government elects its judges. Women actually are overrepresented
on the voter
registration rolls, comprising 55 percent of the electorate, but minorities
come in about 5 points lower than the non-white population proportion. And, while
you can lead voters to the registration table or voting booth, you can’t make them
register or vote.
More to the point, especially among minority
candidates, there is close to zero diversity in partisan choices for ballot listing.
Since judicial elections have so few cues for voters, that magnifies
partisanship’s importance as information on which way to vote. If black
judicial candidates, almost all of whom run as Democrats, would run as
Republicans – and credibly, meaning typically viewing the judiciary as an
adjudicator, not policy-maker – their overall numbers likely would increase
significantly, as a plurality of the state’s white majority registers as
Republicans.
Regarding female underrepresentation, that appears
to follow the pattern witnessed for other elective offices – women are less
likely to aspire to full-time careers and if they do so are more likely to do
so later in life, reducing the pool from which judicial candidates may surface.
Again, you can’t force them collectively to desire more the campaigning required
to become and duties demanded of a full-time judge.
Chalk up the report’s observations as trivia. To
achieve what the authors hope would require tremendous social change that only
oppressive government could engineer. Just let the chips fall where they may,
trusting the electorate in an organic process to put judges on the bench to
whom skin color or primary sex characteristics don’t matter in the rulings they
make.
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