An Alabama-based group conducted
this effort and in a sense confirmed the common wisdom that the only Democrat
and black in the race in a district the registration of which is almost half
Democrat and one-third black, Monroe Mayor Jamie Mayo, leads the way with 19 percent, and
embattled incumbent Republican Rep. Vance McAllister comes in second
at 17 percent, and would hold down runoff spots. Apparently moving up and into third
with 13 percent is salesman Zach Dasher, related to the
Duck Commander family which had supported McAllister in his initial special
election bid for the office but who now declare the incumbent anathema, while
leader of the previous independent poll Dr. Ralph Abraham seemingly has slumped into fourth at 11
percent.
Mayo’s singular status and
McAllister’s incumbency would make sensible that they lead, but with nobody
getting endorsement of even a fifth of the sample shows the contest remains
wide open. Most notably, McAllister continues to fall, now down ten points from
the first such poll, consistent with the idea that the later the campaign
proceeds, the less advantageous his default incumbent status becomes as voters
learn more about the other options. That other candidates in the contest have
not cracked double-digits shows they likely are to be left in the dust,
although with 21 percent of the sample still undecided it’s not impossible one
could emerge.
McAllister got buffeted by more unfavorable news last week when a story
revealed a suit had been filed against the company of which he half owns by an
ex-employee who claimed he was forced out because he objected to lascivious
social occasions he alleged the company sponsored. In the court documents
filed, McAllister was not said to have been present at these purported events.
Then, in a bizarre twist, just before the story hit the Internet the plaintiff
essentially told the courts to never mind what he had said.
Had this occurred in isolation
relative to events concerning McAllister’s brief congressional career and
through media channels only, that McAllister would condone debauchery, if even
participate in it, would have little persuasive impact on the electorate. Of
course, there’s not a vacuum here: being as McAllister found it perfectly
permissible to put surreptitiously his marriage vows on hold before and during
his nascent service in Washington, it becomes a lot more credible that he
cavorted, or at least encouraged others to, with prostitutes, strippers, and
anybody interested in good old-fashioned sex, drugs, and rock and roll.
Especially since the former plaintiff went to all the trouble to head to the
courts. And especially now that this whole thing got dropped mysteriously just
before it was about to go public, making it plausible in the minds of some
constituents that McAllister was using inside status and wealth to try to get
out of a jam, a tactic that the same typical constituent does not have
available.
That impression both helps and
hurts Republicans. The incumbent is their least favored candidate, because he
deviates from conservatism in some of his preferences, but his libidinous behavior,
while obviously detracting from his popularity, spills over to impressions of the
party as well. It also puts Republicans in an uncomfortable electoral spot, for
while this report damages the McAllister candidacy even further, the
fragmentation of the field of Republicans – both Dasher and Abraham are of the
GOP, and so are several others in the single digits – means McAllister still
has a chance to make it to what appears to be the inevitable Mayo runoff.
Had just one or two quality
Republicans declared, McAllister now would be dead in the water for any chance
of reelection. The state party
wanted McAllister to resign when this spring the evidence of his extramarital
dalliance became known, but if it at all tried to narrow the field, either it
miserably failed or didn’t try seriously, demonstrating again the relatively
little influence that the state GOP exerts beyond statewide contests.
This incident may be the one that
finally marginalizes McAllister to the point of no return, for a number of
voters will think of him in the context of Luke 16:10 and judging him
in the matter of marital fidelity failing in that way then it is credible he
would fail in moral questions relative to the environment established at his
firm. That possibility haunts liberal Democrat activists, for they are little
short of willing for the sacrifice of their first born (if not already aborted
previously) to get McAllister into the runoff against McAllister. So damaged
now is the incumbent that Mayo would stand a decent chance of winning if up
against him, even if only to serve for two years (indeed, Republicans may wish
to “throw” the contest to Mayo if this happens, knowing he would be easy to
knock off two years later against a reputable conservative and that a Mayo win now
would not endanger their House majority).
That thought only increases the
chances of Democrats selectively defecting from Mayo to McAllister just to try
to trigger this, a strategy noted
previously in this space. Even if they went too far in a sense and actually
aced Mayo out of the runoff, McAllister with Democrat votes would stand a
decent chance of winning the runoff – which he might win anyway even against
Mayo – with either scenario minimizing the chances a conservative Republican
gets elected, whereas Mayo vs. anybody-but-McAllister makes it virtually
certain one will.
The fallout then of this
revelation could be increased Democrat emphasis on avoiding election of a
conservative Republican. Ironically, the bad news then actually may be the good
news for McAllister.
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