N LA cases to provide property rights tests

Louisiana is reaching a point where it must affirm private property rights in dealing with private company’s abilities to expropriate property.

Owners of land in north Louisiana face a couple of challenges on this issue. In northeast Louisiana, in response to the Hyperion data center project that promises to infuse $50 billion into the economy and create hundreds of well-paying jobs, the large power needs have put landowners on alert that the electric utility Entergy, and to a much smaller extent the electric cooperative Northeast Louisiana Power Coop, shows signs they will pursue expropriation of land to provide the transmission line infrastructure to send power to Hyperion.

The Louisiana Constitution permits this, but only for a “public purpose” as outlined where whether that qualifies is justiciable. Some landowners think these transmission lines don’t qualify as these primarily, they argue, would help Hyperion.

Bad LA censorship law degrades election process

As election season winds down, maybe this will be the last conducted under an odious Louisiana law that chills free speech and degrades election decision-making.

Federal constitutional law sets only the most obvious and basic parameters regarding campaign communications. Basically, only the standards governing defamation apply: i.e., a public figure such as a contestant for office can have any expression made against him except those that are patently untrue and done with malice. And there’s no constitutional prohibition against making whatever claims about a candidate’s self, regardless of their veracity.

Just so. Except in those intentional defamatory cases, the political process should be allowed to play out to separate the wheat from the chaff, especially when this deals with claims made by a candidate about himself. If outright lies about past behavior or statements are made, electioneering by opposing forces quite often uncovers the falsity.

LA early voting doesn’t portend Democrat upsets

It’s madness to try to figure out election day results from early voting in Louisiana, but the best that can be derived is that Democrats won’t be as far behind as Republicans in the bellwether Senate race as has become typical.

Coming to this conclusion starts from a rough foundation. Early voting ended earlier this week, with final relevant numbers of whites casting 321,333 ballots to blacks logging 180,219, and Democrats having 222,806 voters to Republicans’ 206,278. As reference there were 1,854,793 white and 933,052 black voters registered, with 1,060,252 Democrats and 1,067,827 Republicans.

These results should start from the baseline of the last non-presidential election that featured a Senate race, 2022. Note, however, two important changes occurred between these dates. First, whereas then all elections on the ballot came as part of a general election under a blanket primary system, this time a few, most principally the presumed biggest draw the Senate contest, will feature the general election without possibility of runoff.

Build on upgrade by following reforms through

As Louisiana’s economic fortunes under Republican Gov. Jeff Landry continue to improve, it can’t rob Peter to pay Paul if it expects the progress to continue.

With the Legislature endorsing overall tax cuts and the Landry Administration hustling that grabbed hundreds of billions of dollars in new economic development, Fitch Ratings noticed and upgraded the state’s general obligation bond debt (it also recently has upgraded several other kinds of state issuances). That means in the constant revolving door of debt that state issues will come at lower interest rates, saving taxpayer dollars.

This will provide some minor relief from projected budget deficits beginning next fiscal year, which the state pegs will grow from $541 million next year to $1.23 billion by fiscal year 2030. Another debt-related maneuver that could ease the burden somewhat also would be to take the bulk of the recently-forecast surplus and pay down debt.

Reinvigorated office comes up aces on advice

Questionable spending of Louisiana taxpayer dollars by nonprofit organizations allowed by state government invites wondering why obvious fixes only now seem imminent to be put in place.

Recently, the Inspector General’s office, run by IG Angéle Davis, released a report questioning the $113.5 million doled out to various nonprofits for 2026 after a review uncovered questionable payments, inadequate financial reporting and other oversight failures. Several specific items that had been investigated posed problems according to state law, with their amounts totaling just over $1 million.

State government routinely apportions half of appropriated amounts to organizations as advance payments prior to producing documentation about spending. Agencies also appear lax in checking that. A report outlining these observations focused on only a few items, also detailing recommended changes subsequently approved to go into effect to try to mitigate problems. These include receiving reimbursements for documented expenditures rather than advance payments with exceptions allowed but capped at 25 percent, capping certain administrative expenses at 10 percent of the total, and increasing scrutiny of organizations controlled by a single individual or established shortly before receiving an appropriation.

Most, maybe all, LA amendments likely to pass

Despite the contrary musings of some, expect most, perhaps even all, constitutional amendments plastered on Louisiana’s ballot next month to pass voter muster.

Some questions about the chances of the 10 amendments up for vetting have come given that the last two elections featuring these saw every single one go down to defeat. While some speculation centered on whether this signaled a referendum of sorts on state government and its elected officials, more valid explanations focused on idiosyncratic reasons and, most importantly, the timing. Both factors will matter more favorably for the set that voters face this time.

Regardless of the often minimal attention most voters pay to these, content does matter. Many of the items of the past two years called for ambitious overhauls of the Constitution, especially in the area of state fiscal affairs. These are the measures that most optimally compel the voter with only a passing interest to turn out – and disproportionally negatively so, with the state’s long history of lukewarm or worse budgetary management. Compound that with the special interests that would lose out under new arrangements aggressively campaigning against these, and it’s a tough road to hoe.

LA black political leaders blame, refuse to learn

Recent comments made by some black political activists show how for them it’s not about advancing the black community, but about advancing black leftist political interests, with a little help from a writer a bit too eager to inject bias into recounting their musings.

A story about the impact that black voting turnout could have on elections a fortnight away solicited opinions from state and local elected, party, and interest group leaders revealed a narrowly-construed array of attitudes more indicative of an America of six decades ago than reflecting today’s reality. These also served as an indictment of failure of these leaders and those who have or had shared these beliefs in improving the prospects of the entirety of black America.

Admittedly, the journalist who authored the piece, Tyler Bridges, didn’t do them any favors in presenting their views. For example, in referring to the U.S. Supreme Court case Louisiana v. Callais, it misstates the decision, which reaffirmed that race could be a primary consideration in reapportionment only when there is identified intent of discrimination against a protected class. That ruling corrected a drift over the decades where intent had become superseded by outcome, or the belief that the proportion of black officials elected in a jurisdiction had to match roughly the proportion of blacks in the population; if that wasn’t the case, systemic bias existed despite laws that bent over backwards to ensure otherwise. The author instead injects opinion when writing the decision “weakened voting rights protections,” as if there was genuine justification to putting race foremost in mapping.

With surplus, resist urge to not pay down debts

Louisiana doesn’t need to get ahead of itself upon reception of impending budgetary good news.

Last week, the Joint Legislative Committee on the Budget approved its typical October fiscal status statement, which is a report made by the Division of Administration on where it determines the state’s final fiscal picture relative to the budget that expired at the end of the state’s fiscal year. DOA now sees the fiscal year 2026 budget producing a surplus of $565 million. While predicted expenditures and other requirements were thought to have risen about $100 million to around $13.1 billion in general fund dollars, revenues shot up nearly $1 billion, with the difference being carryforwards and transaction timings.

Reasons why things turned out rosier than expected DOA didn’t say nor did any committee members ask. Likely a burst of economic activity during the term of Republican Gov. Jeff Landry primarily in the energy sector and in construction of data centers, soon the first of which will commence operations, explains this.

Entitled brats illustrate need for new initiative

One incident at the last Louisiana State University Board of Supervisors meeting encapsulates why another item on its agenda is so entirely needed.

As by the state’s open meeting laws, after ceremonial matters the Board solicited public comment on items part of the agenda. Whereupon a student from a campus radical organization began issuing constipated “demands,” contrary to the law which says if a public body chooses this option the comment must adhere to an agenda item, which that did not. That was announced at the start and online which noted requests to speak and the specific item for comment must be registered prior to the meeting. The student, setting a fine example, simply lied.

When it became clear that the student’s comments would not stick to the agenda, he was asked to leave, and then when he refused, he and his chanting confederates (who also requested public comment on the same item) were escorted out. Kudos to Board Chairman Lee Mallett for not letting the meeting become hijacked, when there are many in higher education made of much less sterner stuff who allow bullies free rein at meetings, as well as to officials who cut the microphone off.

Most items on full slate LA voters should approve

Louisiana voters face ten amendments this fall, half dealing with property taxes and most worthy of passage. Let’s see why or why not:

#1 – would allow surviving spouses of disabled veterans to continue receiving any property tax exemption at one subsequent location. Exemptions normally should be opposed with broadly-based lower rates preferred, but it’s already in place an exception can be made here for spouses whose spouses sacrificed with at least a 50 percent disability as a way for the state to thank their families. YES.

#2 – would allow jurisdictions more flexibility in setting millages. Currently, unless a jurisdiction keeps its rates always at the maximum approved by voters, it may lose that ability to go to the maximum if necessary. Letting rollbacks occur without forfeiting this possibility may encourage more jurisdictions not to set rates at the maximum once in the quadrennial period, reducing property tax rates in the aggregate. YES.

Arceneaux laps challenger field in mayoral forums

If viewers learned anything from a Shreveport mayoral forum doubleheader broadcast earlier this week on different television stations sponsored by the Greater Shreveport Chamber of Commerce, it’s that the huge fundraising lead that Republican incumbent Tom Arceneaux has extends also to his knowledge of city affairs and to his program going forward in comparison to his opponents.

The pair of events started with one concentrating on economic development and then moving on the next night to the other’s focus on infrastructure. It quickly became clear that his challengers had particular mantras to which they would stick adding little else, no matter how vacuous or even fact-impaired these might be. The participants chosen likely are the only ones that have a chance to break into double-digit percentages of the vote.

The simplest candidate of all was Democrat Caddo Parish Commissioner Stormy Gage-Watts. Navigating through her word salad proved challenging. Over and over again she asserted that hiring a city planner and creating an online “dashboard” – which as Arceneaux pointed out the city had already, at least for capital projects – to track city spending were the big answers to what ails the city. She charged that certain neighborhoods were neglected compared to others, such as in street lighting, and that all seven Council districts needed equal treatment – interesting statements considering she apparently lives outside the city, not at the domicile inside the city accepted in her qualification.

Bossier Parish budget stays on unsustainable path

The 2027 budget for Bossier Parish looks better than the 2026 version in some ways, but similar warning signals still flash.

Entering the year, the Parish seemed set on some deficit spending. Operating budgets for the five major government funds – General, Highway, Library, Corrections, and Capital Improvement – then predicted combined $15 million more would be spent than came in, while the rest of the lesser funds was foreseen going $6.5 million in the red.

However, for 2027 the General, Library, and Corrections Funds are predicted to eat into reserves only slightly, and treading water when discounting transfers. The deficit of the other governmental funds came down a bit – some of that is structural for financing the 26^th Judicial District courts and the district attorney’s office – although expenses jumped almost 25 percent for the district attorney, which at the end of 2026 was forecast to have almost no reserves but as of the end of September actually was in the red nearly $300,000 and is expected to balloon to over a million dollars even with a million-dollar transfer into it.

LA must resume distasteful but necessary task

As unpleasant as it might be, the show must go on, in Texas, Tennessee, and Louisiana, in order to save lives.

Controversy has surrounded carrying out capital punishment as of late. In Tennessee, an execution by lethal injection went wrong, leaving the murderess alive but barely surviving. In Texas, a jihadist sentenced to death for killing over a dozen people at an army base in 2009 will face a firing squad in December that at present the federal government will live stream over the Internet.

 

The former incident has reinvigorated anti-death penalty advocates, whose strategy involves a public relations campaign to make it logistically more difficult to carry out executions so that these either don’t occur or become so convoluted in difficulty in being done correctly that this escalates to the point enough fail that then the judiciary backs the idea that all methods violate the Eighth Amendments stricture against cruel punishment.

LA congressional donation record no surprise

If anything, had Louisiana congressional candidates not pulled in record dollars of campaign donations that would have been unexpected.

In sum, this election cycle has produced the highest total ever given to candidacies, in aggregate $74 million. Yet this should surprise no one, because of several factors.

 First, start with this election cycle offering up two competitive House of Representatives races, a competitive Senate contest, and not having a presidential contest to siphon money from congressional contests. Races believed to be close suck in more money. The last time this many hotly-contested cropped up was in 2014, and inflation plus changes in some donation ceilings would encourage more giving. It also helps that two candidates, one in each of the hotly-contested House races, are willing to put considerable own-resources into their campaigns, as did one Senate contestant.

More trends argue for eliminating film tax credit

It’s time for Louisiana to stop swimming against the tide and use money thrown away on making movies for more important needs – especially as larger economic trends threaten to wither away the program.

Recently, New Orleans’ film office director and city councilors griped about how film production statewide but in the city particularly had taken a tumble. Years ago, a billion dollars a year was coming into the state in production costs, but now that has dropped to $185 million. This matters according to advocates of using government as a direct jobs creator as fewer jobs result from a dive in production value. Thus, they call for increasing the generosity of the state’s tax credit regime, which already is quite lucrative: 25 percent tax credit for all production costs and 10 percent more if an in-state screenplay and 5 percent more if outside the New Orleans area, and then 15 percent more on compensation for all Louisiana residents used plus 5 percent on special effects past $1 million. The maximum base is 40 percent.

Further, the credit is almost entirely refundable, meaning investors outside the state without Louisiana state income tax liability can reap all of these benefits, at the 88 percent level, meaning taxpayers pick up the tab. In a recent ranking of states, the state winds up sixth-best in generosity, and doesn’t have a higher showing only because it caps the amount of credits issued and paid per year at $125 million, something advocates for more largesse wish would revert back to the previous uncapped that also would speed up claims paid out.

Democrats use playbook on PSC candidate Atkins

Democrats’ national playbook surfaced in the candidate forum between Republican Caddo Parish Commissioner John Atkins and Democrat City Councilor James Green.

They contest the Public Service Commission District 5 seat, which stretches across north Louisiana. Incumbent Democrat Foster Campbell faces the three-term (18 years) limit at year’s end, although he served an additional one after being grandfathered in.

Atkins works in asset management, principally in energy. He has served the three-term limit on the Commission and is due to leave office at the end of 2027. His latest campaign financial disclosure, which doesn’t include anything from regulated utilities since he eschewed publicly donations from them, isn’t hurting with nearly half a million bucks bankrolled through late last month.

NO housing issues exemplify leftist misdiagnoses

The cognitive dissonance, or perhaps strategic planning to sustain its mission, of the political left truly can amaze at times, as continuing housing provision struggles in New Orleans and conflicting government housing policy demonstrate.

Last month, the Louisiana Housing Corporation took another step in reorienting the state’s housing policy away from the failed housing first model to a treatment first paradigm. The former insists on finding or building permanent spaces for the homeless regardless of whether behavioral problems hold back persons from engaging with the world in a way that permits them to use own resources in housing provision, while the latter emphasizes temporary housing for them while they participate in procedures and programs designed to produce positive behavioral change that facilitate their abilities to obtain housing using own resources.

One vocal critic was the nonprofit organization HousingNOLA, which advocates for greater government involvement in encouraging or building “affordable” housing in New Orleans, i.e. housing designed for residence by lower-income individuals. But only days later the Republican Gov. Jeff Landry Administration’s shift in approach found vindication when a report critical of the city’s housing efforts came out, with almost simultaneously the city changing policy of a few years that tried to strongarm developers into building more low-income units.

Huge money advantage boosts Arceneaux chances

If winning the Shreveport mayor’s race were only a matter of money, Republicans would control that office for another four years. As it is, that only may determine which Republican advances to a runoff.

After months of campaigning in 2026, submission of campaign finance reports through Sep. 24 were released yesterday. Incumbent GOP Mayor Tom Arceneaux lapped the field with resources remaining of about a third of a million dollars, after having spent almost that much, although raising only around $78,000 in this period. His donors this year to date comprised a number of long-time party activists (he sat on the City Council four decades ago) as well as a few from the near the city, and his spending reflected a broad spectrum of campaign communications.

Technically, challenger Republican Caddo Parish Commissioner John-Paul Young outraised him by a $100,000, with the bulk of his contributors being from his Highland area neighborhood. But his biggest contributor by far was himself, plunking down $130,000 of his own dough on himself that meant others’ donations were fewer than $50,000 that left him with just over $50,000. He spent disproportionately on electronic media and billboard advertising.

LA needs comprehensive wind power regulation

With recent help from the federal government, Louisiana can ensure wind power advocates don’t take advantage of the state.

A recent article in leftist media lamented how Republican Pres. Donald Trump short-circuited efforts to spread windmills from sea to shining sea. Trump appears to have a visceral dislike of wind power and early in his second term basically brought offshore wind power to a halt by declaring no permits would go to new projects and by discouraging, even in a sense through bribing, existing projects from moving forward.

But states control wind power regulation on land except for that owned by the federal government, and that has steadily marched on. However, Trump did address an unfair advantage that wind power had, federal tax credits, by eliminating with the help of Congress those for projects not started by the middle of this year or if not completed by the end of next year. There was no defensible intellectual reason to give preference to this source of intermittent energy production when none existed specifically for other fossil fuel-based reliable power-generating activities.

Best for Caddo voters to reject ballot requests

Caddo Parish voters will face one boondoggle and a subset additionally will deliberate about a search for relevance in their making decisions next month about two tax propositions.

On the ballot Nov. 3 will appear a measure that authorizes the Caddo Parish Commission to blow $70 million on a sports complex. As previously noted, it’s a bad idea that’s not even totally funded – the issue would be only up to $60 million, with $10 million more to be found elsewhere preferably by donations – which rests on pie-in-the-sky hopes of attracting tournaments (which will have the effect of crowding out less-affluent families from having children participate in sports) in an area with plenty of all of government, nonprofit, and for-profit venues. It would waste a lot of money with little return even on the account of amorphous “quality of life” and doesn’t even guarantee that property taxes won’t rise to find it as it only disallows raising the rate for the first year of issuance.

Shreveport voters will have a crack at another one, an item that on the surface begs to renew. The city’s quasi-independent Downtown Development Authority has 9.04 mills – 1.05 mills higher than the expiring levy, due to a decline in the value of downtown properties in aggregate – ready to ramp up in 2028 for 25 years. That funds the agency that many may think doesn’t cost them anything, as the tax is levied only on commercial properties in the district for administration, operational expenses, acquiring property, project expenses and/or the retirement of bonds or other evidences of indebtedness.

Democrat power trip leaves Monroe in lurch

The crybaby majority on Monroe’s City Council, fuming it couldn’t get its way, last week decided to take its toys home and put the city in a bad spot.

At its regular meeting, shortly after convening Democrat Councilors Juanita Woods motioned and Rodney McFarland seconded passing over the entire agenda, and they with Verbon Muhammad approved that over the objection of Republican Councilor Gretchen Ezernack, who at least got a chance to ask why. GOP Councilor Doug Harvey was running late and missed everything.

The Democrats remained closed-lipped about their rationale – with McFarland waving off Woods from even speaking to a reporter – until the next day, when they took to social media to complain their act showed displeasure at “disrespect” from independent Mayor Friday Ellis. The group and he have locked horns over many issues since McFarland and Muhammad took office in mid-2024, and from the timing it appeared on this occasion over the city’s new-old fire chief, Timothy Williams.

CD 5 forum distinguishes little among GOP foes

An issue-oriented candidate forum for Louisiana’s Fifth Congressional District gave viewers a chance to see three repeat candidates and four new ones vying for the office in November (with a likely runoff in December) that did little to set apart competitive Republican candidates.

This was the second such forum conducted by a Monroe television station, public radio station, and the local Chamber of Commerce and the University of Louisiana Monroe. Some months ago, under a prior and unconstitutional district map these entities held a forum featuring present GOP candidates Board of Regents chairwoman Misti Cordell, state Rep. Mike Echols, and independent businessman Austin Magee. Joining them were four of the other six new contestants: Republicans state Sen. Stewart Cathey and state Rep. Gabe Firment, and Democrats lawyer Dan McKay and state Rep. Pat Moore.

Through the course of the questions and their opening and closing statements, McKay demonstrated himself as the least informed and most out-of-touch with the district’s sentiments (judged by party registration numbers favoring Republicans). For example, he erroneously said removing Social Security tax income caps would solve for the growing depletion of its trust fund, when in fact it, using static analysis only, only about half to two-thirds of the gap would be covered. This may have been due to the severe case of Trump Derangement Syndrome he exhibited, and its prominent symptom of suspended critical thinking abilities.

Senate polls reveal strategy, not state of race

Polling by Democrat Senate candidate Jamie Davis released to the public denotes more an effort to chip away at a national Republican fundraising advantage and bolster the state’s depleted Democrat bench than serving as an assessment whether Davis can win.

Twice now, the campaign has released polling data that purport to show Davis trailing GOP Rep. Julia Letlow by only four points, which would be a remarkable showing for a Democrat in a statewide election. The firm doing it, Hart Research, is a venerable firm that deals almost exclusively with Democrats but ranks in the top quarter or so firms under one study of quality in 2024 (although its record was based on only three presidential polls, none for a Senate contest).

This particular poll does have some problems. The sample size was a bit low (500) which accentuated that it didn’t apportion by geography and likely oversampled Democrats, positing an enthusiasm gap that might exist in more competitive states but unlikely does in the Bayou State. It also had two push questions in Davis’ favor that after their rendering actually showed him with 53 percent, nine percent additionally.

Curb Edwards legacy to close looming cliff

Some federal government relief on the issue of Medicaid, as well as some overdue diligence in the program, could help Louisiana to address tightening budget conditions.

Last week the state’s Revenue Estimating Conference essentially reaffirmed projections for the next few fiscal years. With tax cuts coming unless the Legislature lengthens the duration of the sales taxes to roll off, revenues are projected essentially to remain flat for fiscal years 2028-30. That means unless the Legislature reduces spending and/or consents to use of the Budget Stabilization Fund at least in FY27, the general fund budget may go into deficit given the impact of price inflation.

Use of the BSF may not be all that bad, as it sits at a near-record amount, but legislators can’t use it two years running. Happily, final budget production last year by the federal government invites reductions in Medicaid spending, and as does better diligence by states.

As previously noted, reforms encapsulated in that budget process will give the states strong incentive to cut back on this spending by the federal government limiting extra payments to states to encourage reimbursement rates for Medicaid to be only at the same level as for Medicare. They also create disincentives to levy taxes on providers that are used as a device to grab more federal dollars, which if applied to Louisiana would make the presumed deficit a bit worse independently of the fewer dollars spent on Medicaid because of lower rates.

But the state has to help itself, and over the past several years Louisiana has offended among the worst in refusing to do this, at least up until 2024. Research shows that since 2019, under the most plausible take-up rate (the proportion of Medicaid expansion-eligible clients who do enroll in it), the state has one of the highest rates of ineligible recipients, a shocking 62 percent, with in that period the stunning highest per capita upwards change (nearly doubling) of all the states, in that final term of Democrat former Gov. John Bel Edwards who practically begged anybody and everybody to sign up except the obviously wealthy.

Worse, this includes even the first year of unwinding after the artificial inflation of roles during the pandemic period. Not all of this comprised people flat-out ineligible for Medicaid; many eligible under regular Medicaid likely were misclassified as expansion-eligible, and given the perverse incentive that the expansion population receives a 90 percent federal match while those with lower incomes and sicker receive get matched about 25 percent lower in Louisiana, states pay less by carelessness in categorizing recipients.

In part, that explains why Louisiana in 2024 paid out only an estimated $90 million extra. But if all of the ineligibles were otherwise qualified in no way – and remember the winding-down already largely had been accomplished by the end of that period who were all ineligible under regular standards – it would have been closer to $250 million. It’s not difficult for that figure to be zero – several states managed that, and neighboring Oklahoma had a misclassification rate of only one percent.

 Using data for the upcoming 2028 rate equalization assuming Louisiana will make up two percent of the total Medicaid population nationally and its having a (among the highest of states) regular reimbursement rate of 65 percent (it varies among states), the state with great diligence in eligibility determinations could save $600 million annually by then. That would solve for and then some any predicted budgetary shortfall. It’s low-hanging policy fruit and should be pursued.

Coming Medicaid reimbursement changes good for LA

The good news is the alleged bad news about Medicaid changes is good news for Louisianans.

One reform encapsulated in last year’s One Big Beautiful Bill knocks out a loophole that disfavored Medicare patients over those on Medicaid, increased the number of less-valuable interventions, and distorted private sector pricing. At the tail end of the Democrat Pres. Barack Obama Administration to encourage greater Medicaid enrollment including sucking in states to accept expansion (which Louisiana foolishly followed), the federal government began subsidizing state Medicaid plans to boost rates. Often, states reimbursed at rates below commercial charges and even Medicare’s, which could reduce the supply of providers that would lower the amount of care to the Medicaid population.

This wealth transfer from federal taxpayers to states also was supplemented in most states by allowing them to levy provider taxes and have straight-up government appropriations count as matching monies. These policies facilitated boosting of spending on Medicaid to prop up rates to commercial levels, which could be double or more Medicaid rates. For example, for Louisiana’s managed care organizations that provide insurance for almost all of the non-waiver Medicaid population – the vast majority of Medicaid clients – for hospitals all of state-directed payments, provider taxes, and (for Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center New Orleans) intergovernmental transfers are used to peg Medicaid rates at or near commercial rates.

As election looms, Shreveport promising higher pay

You can tell it’s election season in Shreveport when pay raises for all coexists with a budget that looks as if it’s running on fumes.

Last week, the Republican Mayor Tom Arceneaux Administration presented a preliminary piece of the city’s 2027 budget. After having previously announced a round of pay hikes concentrating on public safety commencing before the next budget cycle, here comes another. Actually, two.

One will focus on issues of salary compression, which occurs when starting wages creep upwards without periodic adjustments to salary for existing employees, meaning relatively speaking green employees make more than seasoned. As well, Arceneaux’s last budget unwisely hiked city pay at the lowest levels to a minimum wage of $15 per hour, exacerbating the compression as well as inducing budgetary strain with millions of dollars in new recurring costs.

Landrieu next LA vanity presidential aspirant

Don’t look now, but it looks like Louisiana has another vanity project running for president, this time in the form of Democrat former Lt. Gov. and New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu.

The state occasionally experiences a credible politician (meaning not Prisoner #28213-034) taking a Quixotic stab at the country’s top office. Republican former Gov. Bobby Jindal’s attempt for 2016 falls outside this category, because he would have had a real chance after beginning a populist turn in the last couple of years of his governorship had not the most unimpeachably conservative populist of all time GOP Pres. Donald Trump trumped Jindal and other competitive Republicans with his outsider and semi-celebrity status. He was, for a while, a serious candidate.

Jindal actually had a really good shot for the nomination in 2012, but demurred. Instead, that year Louisiana sent forth a former GOP governor as a novelty candidate, Buddy Roemer. He got sucked into this idea that a major party could form on a temporary basis and make someone like him competitive. Of course it didn’t happen.

Spin detracts from fixing Caddo jail overcrowding

Political spin reaches its full rotational velocity during election season, as comments about the overcrowded Caddo Correctional Center illustrate that distract from the fact this problem stems from prosecutorial choices, not from law enforcement.

No, it’s not so much that burgeoning Shreveport police arrests keep the CCC “bursting at the seams,” although obviously that volume is a significant contributor without which it wouldn’t have the opportunity to inflate. That statement comes from Wayne Smith, Shreveport Police Department chief, whose boss Republican Mayor Tom Arceneaux this fall faces spirited competition to retain his job. The more Smith talks up SPD vigilance, the more it pats Arceneaux’s back as the election looms.

Yet Smith could ramp up arrests even more and it wouldn’t be a crowding problem, according to a 2023 report of the Caddo Parish Criminal Justice Task Force. It discovered a 40 percent growth in the pretrial population even as arrests declined from 2012 to 2022. It saw as the cause the median bail amount rising over 2.5 times, explained by an increase in felony arrests, from 2014 to 2022, and a 144 percent increase in days from a court case’s opening to its disposition, thought to be a result of staffing shortages which delay transmission of case materials.

BC budget subject to stormy weather ahead

Bossier City put forth a solid 2027 budget, despite a few dark clouds ahead, and perhaps a bit too optimistic.

This week, the City Council held a budget information session, where Chief Administrative Office Shane Cheatham presented it publicly. The plan concentrated on maintaining core services and continuation of existing ones with a 3.71 percent bump upwards in general fund spending to nearly $86 million. As it is, that increase is driven almost entirely by a predicted rise in sales tax collections.

Which might flash one sign of trouble. It forecasts that property tax revenues actually suffer a tiny decline, meaning resales of property would increase at the margin at best and bring little in the way of new higher valued property into service. In other words, this indicates stagnation economically with little upward movement in population.

Landry housing plan should reduce LA homelessness

The Republican Gov. Jeff Landry Administration came up aces with its recently released plan to use federal housing funds in a way that actually mitigates homelessness in Louisiana.

Each year, the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development doles out grants to states to provide housing. States and local governments have established panels to recommend to HUD proposals from various lead agencies willing to coordinate spending, in Louisiana’s case, historically around $100 million combined annually.  Until this year for many years, these defaulted to a nonprofit agency called UNITY of Greater New Orleans and another outside of New Orleans, the Louisiana Balance of State Continuum of Care.

But those agencies followed a flawed worldview of optimal housing policy, and its distributional planes reflected that, where primarily the homeless were to be given permanent housing as a “solution” to homelessness, even as research has shown that approach is less effective than steering policy to make any housing most often transitional, as the large majority of homeless are that way because of behavioral issues they must solve that enable them to exit homelessness. The GOP Pres. Donald Trump Administration last year directed HUD to embrace the latter, a more effective strategy in how it distributed these grants.

Cassidy blame exercise confirms unfitness

There’s more reason than ever for Louisianans to remind Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy not to let the door hit him out the way out of the Senate with his intemperate remarks made recently about increasing numbers of measles cases in the country and health care policy under GOP Pres. Donald Trump.

At a conference sponsored by a politics website, Cassidy blamed Trump and specifically his appointee as Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy for the increase, already in annual terms the highest number in over a quarter-century. He said messaging was to blame, as HHS under Kennedy has shifted departmental communications away from unabashed stumping for vaccinations to one of seeking advice from trusted health care providers.

 

He called this an effort to “undermine faith” in vaccines generally and also claimed to have had his faith undermined by his voting to advance Kennedy’s nomination for the post in early 2025 only to have this rhetoric about vaccination develop. Cassidy lost the Republican primary for reelection this spring in part because Trump backed likely winner this fall Republican Rep. Julia Letlow, after Cassidy had flip-flopped to vote to convict Trump on questionable impeachment charges as well as had backed large-scale Democrat spending legislation.

Cut inefficiency from Medicaid autism spending

Late to the party, Louisiana needs to go after sketchy Medicaid autism treatment and diagnoses aggressively.

Starting a few months into the second term of Republican Pres. Donald Trump, the federal government began reviews of select state Medicaid spending on treating autism, specifically applied behavioral analysis outlays. It found massive fraud in Minnesota leading to legal action, and across it and three other states extrapolated a disturbing pattern of rapidly escalating expenses capped off by some $200 million improperly paid and another $400 million in incorrect billings.

The Democrat Pres. Barack Obama Administration pushed through a rule mandating Medicaid coverage of autism not long after diagnosis guidelines were relaxed that qualified far more children so that those even slightly eccentric-acting qualified. This resulted in a near-quintupling of autism diagnoses since the turn of the century so that now over one in three children receive it, while in eight states that provide specific data on autism Medicaid spending costs sextupled to $2.2 billion in just a few years.

Reelection driving Shreveport new spending choices

Take a look at what Shreveport elected officials stump for in increased spending and you can tell it’s an election year.

Last week, Republican Mayor Tom Areceneaux announced, because of presumed higher sales tax collections from a data center siting in the city, that he would put into the budget, and start it a month before the next fiscal year (after the general election but before the runoff), pay raises and other potential bonuses for public. He thought for police the cost for around a 5 percent bump plus things like recruitment bonuses and for other achievements that could push it towards 8 percent plus a 6 percent firefighter raise would end up in the neighborhood of $7 million annually.

In essence, Arceneaux basically declares that the data center – apparently more its construction than operation as he indicated he saw this pop upwards would last only four or five years, or about the time a second term of his would end – will add 4 percent more sales tax revenues for a sustained period. Yet that asks for some optimistic math.

LA must fight to prevent dispensing dangerous drug

Louisiana’s intersection increasingly at the cutting edge of policy-making refreshingly continues with its pursuit of a suit designed to show deliberately designed unfettered access to chemical abortions can be dangerous to more than just the unborn and to reinstate rules to prevent that outcome.

The use of mifepristone as the second agent to kill in the womb (following misoprostol) the state has led the way in trying to have through the courts reimposed a Food and Drug Administration ban against doling out the drugs except during a doctor’s office visit. The Democrat Pres. Joe Biden Administration embraced the dictates of leftist abortion-on-demand advocates to remove that requirement in the wake of the Supreme Court decision that ruled unconstitutional federal government attempts to regulate abortion.

That move became a key element in the left’s strategy to prevent individual tighter state regulation from reducing abortion. The left celebrates the practice not only because of its assertive ideological-confirming performance that also counts coup over conservatives who largely favor pro-life restrictions, but also because of its background unspoken eugenics-based racism that doesn’t mind in a country that even as whites comprise almost 70 percent of the population that almost 70 percent of abortions are achieved by non-whites.

The campaign to dilute the ability of states to limit severely abortion availability within their borders has succeeded to the point that the number of abortions nationwide actually has increased since that 2022 decision despite many states imposed greater restrictions shortly thereafter. Remote prescribing largely is blame with a sharp increase in that, now making the deadly pills easily obtainable through the mail in almost an over-the-counter fashion with no guarantee that the requestor is the receiver of these, or even is legitimately asking.

Precisely as intended. The system was concocted specifically to thwart state bans and making the dispensing as easy as buying candy. And why, if the Republican Pres. Donald Trump Administration as it may do soon doesn’t return to rule to its previous form, the courts should because mifepristone, as Louisiana argues, reveals itself as an inherently dangerous drug.

Leftist media always evade the growing evidence of this, where women are being tricked, if not coerced through the use of violence, into swallowing the dangerous substance that often causes them health complications and usually killing the unborn they harbor. Almost always it’s the sperm donor who perpetrates these crimes, and frequently they obtain the pills through exploiting the now hardly-regulated system set up to fail.

A reality against which pro-abortion views have no defense. After all, pro-abortionists admit humanity to an organism genetically human only when it’s “wanted,” making the validity of human life and the individual involved contingent on somebody else’s emotions. Yet in these abuse cases the women involved look forward to giving birth but pro-abortion attitudes by permitting lack of restrictions in essence put these females in positions where they have no choice, which ironically the pro-abortion crowd alleges, to shield themselves from the moral implications of what they advocate, that “choice” lies behind their advocacy.

Simply, by nature the drug is dangerous, but pro-abortionists redefine that away when it’s used willingly to kill the unborn. But in the current regulatory regime where anything goes, those who don’t want to kill the young humans they carry cannot be protected adequately from others who wish their unborn charges dead. Only by restoring the regime to its previous state can that risk be minimized adequately.

That’s why it’s important that Louisiana continue its legal quest to have restored, one way or the other, the old rules. Lives and women’s desires depend upon that.

Tweaked BC district should replace those junked

Not inherent flaws leaving something fixable but trying to do too much too perfectly sunk the proposed pair of economic development districts proposed in Bossier City.

Last week, the city threw in the towel, for now, on an EDD encompassing only the city’s four casinos and another taking in the East Bank district plus capturing hotels, the Louisiana Boardwalk, and the Chasing Aces golf driving complex. The legislative author of the idea, Republican City Councilor Chris Smith, conceded it went too far too fast, with confusion over what was being taxed or alarmed with a 2 percent sales or occupancy surcharge within the districts, concern over a nebulous governing structure that appeared to favor out-of-town casino interests, and uncertainty over spending because of that structure and its outsourcing management to an area interest group that had no experience in these matters who seemed to drive the process in the first place.

That said, the idea isn’t irredeemable. The city finds itself in a tough spot, burdened by three decades of foolish spending choices that left too much debt, without the servicing of which money could be dedicated to district matters. With a more constrained budget as a result, district occupants could swallow a fair and equitable tax increase, knowing it will reduce their business for pricing reasons, if the proceeds go to the district and stimulate business at least enough to compensate.

Time ripe to zero out LA residential property taxes

Debate over Amendment #6 that voters will weigh in upon this fall illustrates a tax system so riddled with exceptions that the best strategy might be to dispense with property tax on homesteads.

The amendment would build upon the special assessment level now granted constitutionally to individuals 65 or older, as well as to some younger who are disabled or who are widows and widowers of those who once qualified (which includes active duty members of the armed service killed in the line of duty), as long as they remain at that homestead that is not significantly improved and their income doesn’t exceed (starting next year) $150,000. This exemption freezes the assessed value of the property at the last quadrennial round’s amount, almost certainly reducing property taxes that otherwise would be paid.

Each municipality and parish would have a chance to opt into this by popular vote, and if passed all taxing bodies in their jurisdictions would have to abide by the decision. If passed, it would increase the homestead exemption based on age, at the oldest range going far above the current $75,000. School boards in particular have complained that with this they would have no say in what happens to their ability to raise revenues, and it would create confusion and inequity if some municipalities in a district opt in and other out, or the parish does or doesn’t compared to the municipalities within it. For example, while Monroe derives about 8 percent of its total non-business revenues from ad valorem taxation, Monroe City Schools with the same boundaries gets about 16 percent.

Reworking, not money, best for child care policy

Rather than throw more money at a perceived problem, perhaps Louisiana should reconceptualize how it addresses child care.

Money that the country didn’t have was thrown at states, through federal government grants, during the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic to give families – read single parents mostly mothers, who comprise the vast bulk of Child Care Assistance Program recipients – more money to pay for child care. The program will subsidize at varying amounts (plus for some a small co-payment) depending on family resources for at least part-time working or training parents with children under age 13 (18 if with disability) and who are citizens or legal residents.

While the leftist agenda of growing government and hoping it sticks lasted well after the pandemic could be used as a justification for it, eventually the bonus money faded away. Regardless, Louisiana chronically has had a waiting list for participation, even as it has chipped in the range of $80 million annually over the last few years (the federal government will provide a match for state spending).

Fully funded ESA program to give LA boost

Real world experience may have mooted the argument against Louisiana implementing fully its GATOR program on cost considerations.

This program provides an education savings account for public schoolchildren of school age (5-21) who have an income at or below 250 percent of the federal poverty limit. It may be spent on tuition or a number of other services or items related to education. Eventually, it will expand first to incorporate families up to the 400 percent level, then finally open to all families regardless of income level.

However, this depends upon legislative appropriation to fund it for all eligible families, which could cost in the $100 million range just to fulfill all requests from the first cohort. It could double that to fulfill the others. Instead, for the past couple of years the Legislature allocated basically enough only to cover participating families in the prior version of the program predicated on allowing escape from failing schools, around $43 million.

Defeat spendthrift Caddo’s sports boondoggle

Overtaxed Caddoans, get set to receive a sales pitch this week about a low-priority sports complex that won’t come close to paying for itself, whether measured tangibly or intangibly.

In three sessions, the parish will present an idea for a complex that will allow for a variety of indoor sports – including pickleball, on which last year it already blew $10 million for a dedicated facility on land owned by the Northwest Louisiana YMCA. Outdoor sports around it also remain a possibility.

Perhaps it could have used that $10 million as it says the parish through debt issuance will cover only $60 million of a projected $70 million cost and apparently has hat in hand for that remainder. As of yet Caddo Parish commissioners haven’t decided where to put it, which they might want to do as voters will decide on whether to grant that debt request Nov. 3.

LA politicians shouldn’t back college subversion

It might make for good politics, but it’s bad law and devalues education for politicians to support efforts, encouraged by Louisiana State University, to allow professional athletes to play their sport at Louisiana institutions of higher learning.

As college football has begun, much attention has focused on the efforts of a number of former college players who participated in National Football League camps who wish to return to playing in college after their attempts to latch onto an NFL team failed. They do so on the basis of a ruling made by the National Collegiate Athletic Association, a group of conferences comprised of different school classified into different competitive categories, at summer’s beginning that allows five years of eligibility for athletes.

The previous rule had allowed only four years, except for extenuating circumstances most often caused by injury that had a student missing much of a season. The new rule gives everybody five years, although additional eligibility could be granted only under uncommon circumstances.

Monroe Council Democrats delay may cost public

Difficult-to-explain political maneuvering by Monroe’s Democrat City Council majority potentially has put the city’s citizens in a tough spot.

Last week, the Council again deferred action on a pair of master service agreements with two established engineering firms. Use of MSAs occurs commonly in local governments, which basically is like a retainer: on short notice, the city could call upon these entities to provide services at agreed-upon rates. For example, if a water or sewer line became inoperative or a sinkhole opened up on a street, a firm could be called quickly to the scene to map out a fix and then a contractor (likely on a different agreement) could implement that as quickly as possible to minimize disruption. Shortly thereafter the Council would pass an ordinance declaring that emergency and appropriating money for the repairs.

Without MSAs, there’s no guarantee that issues could be addressed rapidly and probably would cost more. The city’s current arrangements expired at the end of June, before the Council first took up the ordinances that then were tabled at the majority’s behest. MSAs also allow work to commence on regular non-emergency projects as yet without appropriations.

Changes needed to reduce BC EDD riskiness

All the fancy footwork in the world can’t hide the fact that as Bossier City plunges forward with creation of two new taxing districts it risks picking winners and losers among businesses and invites future elected officials to help themselves to increased tax collections.

This week, the City Council approved the boundaries of these. One gulps in the city’s four casinos while the other basically radiates out from the East Bank District to the Arthur Ray Teague Parkway to the south, to the Red River to the West, up to and over Texas Street especially along the river to the north, and to Hamilton Road and somewhat down Barksdale Boulevard to the railroad tracks the west, excluding some professional and industrial concerns and residences.

The ordinances fixed boundaries, and within these empowered the City Council to levy sales and occupancy taxes, established a management board in common for both headed by the head of the Greater Bossier Economic Development Foundation and eight others members (listing needed qualifications) appointed by the mayor, created a trust fund to hold collections from any avails which would be commingled, and defined uses for those funds in support of transportation, streetscaping, utilities, beautification, security, and for grants to new and existing businesses. Other details would come in the form of a cooperative endeavor agreement which it authorized the mayor to pursue.

Landry dealing overcoming lingering doubts

With a little luck and adroit maneuvering, Republican Gov. Jeff Landry might be covering his Achilles heel for reelection in 2027.

While drawing enthusiastic reviews from his conservative base for his tax-cutting policy, holding the line on state government spending, backing sensible measures addressing social issues, and scoring big on economic development moves, it has been nonplussed over his attitude about coastal restoration lawsuits. Over 40 parish-based suits remain against legacy exploration companies from decades ago, recently removed from state courts to federal ones, with Landry cheering on the plaintiff parishes. Conservatives typically see these as money grabs unjustified under federal law that will enrich trial lawyers, which put most on the political right at odds with him.

However, Landry may be softening his reputation as a trial lawyer supporter on the issue as he has spearheaded recent efforts that effectively take the wind out of the sails of the trial bar. It began when this summer the state concluded an agreement with ExxonMobil to have it aid the state in cleaning up orphan wells – those that a defunct explorer abandoned but not sufficiently capped – offshore, which could cost the state close to three-quarters of a billion dollars. In exchange, several suits against the company will be dropped.

Half-baked BC economic districts need rethinking

It’s possible that a taxing economic development district might be a good thing for the old part of Bossier City. But the plans presented for a pair of these that the City Council will vet this week make that impossible.

The Council will consider in its first September meeting creating two such districts where one takes in most of the commercial establishments in the East Bank District and to the north, east, and south plus the Louisiana Boardwalk, while the four casinos comprise the other. All residences, some businesses and nonprofits, and government buildings are excluded.

Each will have the power to levy up to a two percent sales and/or two percent occupancy tax on businesses included, will go into a trust fund that may have proceeds spent upon transportation, street, right-of-way, and utility infrastructure, grants to new or existing businesses, and security measures, with no more than 30 percent annually spent in any one area, unless three-quarters of the management board (below) votes to override, plus a unanimous vote needed to spend on grants. The City Council will govern each, and, as there will be no residents in them, the Council unilaterally can decide whether to enact taxation and issue debt within them.

Make beneficial changes before adjusting formula

In order actually to solve a problem, you need to understand it, which it isn’t at all clear that Louisiana’s Legislative Higher Education Funding and Formula Task Force does.

As the landscape of higher education continues to change, senators thought it would be a good idea to review the outcomes-based funding formula. It’s a good idea, considering the challenges funding for higher education faces, beginning with the fact of the “demographic cliff” in the country, or that traditional-aged college students will fall in number nationally over the next several years.

At the hearing last week of legislators and higher education officials, other presumed variables were presented that could impact funding: increased workforce development demands, higher price inflation, escalating costs of intercollegiate athletic programs, and reduced federal financial aid. On top of all of this, one official argued that supposedly higher education fell over $800 million annually short of necessary, although it was not explained how that figure was derived but presumably through the lens of the existing formula of 70 percent basic, 30 percent outcomes.

State GOP does best with restrained endorsing

It’s two steps forward, one step back for Louisiana’s state Republican Party on an endorsement process that has roiled two congressional elections.

Earlier this week, the party endorsed state Sen. Blake Miguez for the Sixth District contest. This brought remonstrations from the other leading candidate to win the seat, state Sen. Rick Edmonds. The process involves enough state central committee members within the boundaries of the district petitioning for an endorsement, with the final approval given by the party’s Executive Committee as usually happens.

Both candidates received the requisite support, but the Committee selected only Miguez. After the controversy flared in the media, the Committee hastily reconvened and awarded an endorsement to Edmonds as well – the first time this century the party had endorsed two candidates in a House contest.

State GOP Miguez nod unlikely to affect CD 6 race

It might inflame passions for those involved, but it’s likely going to make little difference that the Executive Committee of the Louisiana Republican State Central Committee on behalf of the state party endorsed GOP state Sen. Blake Miguez for the Sixth Congressional District over GOP state Sen. Rick Edmonds.

This weekend, the Committee, a subset of party officers of the much larger SCC, after the SCC nominated both Edmonds and Miguez for consideration of the endorsement. Ultimately, the Committee considered only Miguez and delivered it to him. Edmonds felt aggrieved by this, claiming that a small collection of party insiders that have been big boosters of Miguez steered debate completely away from considering him.

A party endorsement unlocks money from both the state party and the Republican National Committee, as well as in-kind services from the state party, plus Miguez can tout the endorsement. However, state resources contributed are expected to be minimal.

Bossier City, Parish acts increase accountability

In a development that lately has run counter the field of play, the Bossier Parish Police Jury backed down on an issue that involved skirting the law – seemingly, echoing a prominent Bossier City appointee falling on his sword likely over a negative report.

The Jury in recent years has made it a habit of dancing on the precipice of what’s legal and what’s not, in the process violating the spirit of the law if not the intent. As an example of the former, the Jury continues complying with the law concerning transmission of its and its committee meetings, but in the most minimal way possible (although it did recently begin to post its informational packet for each meeting prior to them, years after all other major local governmental organizations in the area). As an example of the latter, for months it illegally allowed its former parish administrator to act as the head of libraries and allowed him to serve as the parish head executive even though he really resided outside the parish contrary to law.

But over two years of openly flouting the law regarding the parish Library Board of Control apparently it couldn’t stomach any longer. Last week, it amended its ordinance about the Board to bring it closer in line with state law. Previously, the ordinance had set membership only at five parish citizens, but the amending expanded it to many as seven and it clarified the length of terms, making it basically the same as in statute.

New center boosts Arceneaux at Young’s expense

Last week wasn’t so hot for Shreveport mayoral candidate Republican Caddo Parish Commissioner John-Paul Young. By contrast, it went pretty well for incumbent Republican Mayor Tom Arceneaux.

At the Commission’s work session Monday, Young offered up a resolution that would have placed a two-year moratorium on data center siting in the parish. He also wanted to advance to Thursday’s regular meeting a resolution by a colleague to require more onerous environmental impact studies on centers.

Instead, commissioners, perhaps because resolutions don’t have the force of law, decided to send the matters to committee. Only an ordinance would be enforceable, but legally the parish can’t pass one on this matter because it doesn’t have a master plan. That came as a consequence of the separation of the parish and Shreveport from joint zoning for a portion of parish jurisdiction a few years ago, leaving a good chunk of the parish unregulated.

PSC must rule to attract centers, help ratepayers

Economic prosperity through data centers is being thrown into Louisiana’s lap. But it’s not enough just to solve the puzzle of economic incentives; political necessities all need attending to.

It turns out that a number of states, run by Democrats, are throwing up roadblocks if not banning outright data centers, on claims that they hog too much water and raise electrical rates. Certainly, the Monroe area, while seeing a surge in business and tax receipts as a result of siting the Hyperion project in Richland Parish, also has witnessed negative externalities that could sour people on the idea.

However, such assertions ignore how other states, many farther along in the game, have engaged in policies that sidestep bothersome spillover effects. After all, they don’t have guns pointed at them, forcing them to hand out no-strings massive incentives.

LA children to benefit from new Head Start rules

Impending rules changes by the Republican Pres. Donald Trump Administration to running the Head Start programs for pre-kindergarten education will be a boon to Louisiana.

The program is designed provide free child care, allegedly with part of that provision of basic instruction to children from infants up to about five years old, to families who are at the 130 percent poverty level (about the same level as those qualifying for free or heavily discounted health care for states with expanded Medicaid), or in foster care, or who are homeless. It exists in parallel to monies spent by states on similar services to nonqualifying families.

It is, however, typically more expensive to taxpayers –- federal ones, as it exists as a roughly $12 billion grant program going directly to states – than spending per slot by state taxpayers for their separate programs, reaching about $20,000 annually on average for the 0-2 age group program and $15,000 for the 3-5. In large part this is due to the far more stringent regulations the programs have than their state, with one exception, equivalents have.

History of wasted BC tax dollars keeps unfolding

Voter apathy and having the wrong people in office cost Bossier City more than first realized.

Beginning almost three decades ago, the city, doing decently financially, went on a spending spree. Dissatisfaction across the Red River with the State Fairgrounds’ arena for events, particularly ice hockey, aroused the City Council to count coup on Shreveport and build its own. Controversy ensued over its siting and costs, with the numbers initially bandied about eventually almost doubled. What followed was a parking garage tied to a private development which soon teetered into receivership, contributing about a third of the expense to a high-tech office building that failed to attract its intended client and took years to find any substantial tenants at all, construction of compressed natural gas alternative fuel stations requiring more expensive city vehicles that quickly turned into a money-losing proposition, and building a $50-million-a-mile road that didn’t do fully what it was supposed to and perhaps has increased accidents.

None of this was needed, but it seemed to be cool and made it appear councilors and the two mayors involved were doing something to make the city more than America’s biggest small town posing as a bedroom community, enabled by an inattentive electorate. Its own arena! A destination outdoor shopping center! A Silicon Valley-like building to land a new Air Force command! Leveraging of shale assets that skims the cutting edge of low-emission transportation! Relieving congestion on major arteries for the growth boom ahead! Which hardly came, although had the Walter O. Bigby Carriageway been built for its purpose of a true north-south corridor from downtown to the foot of Interstate 220 an extra $20 or so million added to the $89 million might have made sense. But that couldn’t be pursued because of the over $100 million wasted on these other things that made the proper extension unaffordable, adding debt and interest owed needlessly.

LA to benefit from deflating alarmists' hot air

With wind power generation from offshore Louisiana now on the back burner, if not moribund, the hypocrisy of Luddites stumping for propagating this enterprise off the state’s coastline has become all too apparent, even as this result saves American taxpayers and/or consumers their hard-earned dollars.

Under the climate alarmist Democrat former Pres. Joe Biden Administration, a lease for this purpose was sold in federally-controlled waters 40 miles south of Lake Charles. Under the equally climate alarmist Democrat former Gov. John Bel Edwards Administration, the state also leased two more such lands in state waters.

But now the federal lease has gone with the wind. The Republican Pres. Donald Trump Administration, guided by climate realism, gave the German company RWE $1.2 billion dollars to relinquish that claim and offshore sites in other parts of the country.

Trends argue for LA to stop subsidizing movies

So, Louisiana is losing jobs in the film and television industry. That’s a good thing that can knock some sense into lawmakers chasing the bright lights of movie stardom.

A company that rents out spaces often used for film production took some U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics data and reported that the state lost the highest proportion of jobs in this industry since 2024. Even as there are states with much higher numbers of people working in the field, it still amounted to one of the highest absolute job losses in that time period.

It’s a comedown for the state that pioneered the notion of state subsidization of filmmaking by transferrable and refundable tax credits, passing that legislation in 1992. As many as 44 other states until recent years joined in to offer some kind of incentive, but that number has since fallen by several.

Landry move should reduce N.O. homelessness

Louisiana is a little late to the party, but it’s finally gotten on the right track when it comes to housing policy.

The state recently announced, through the Louisiana Housing Corporation which is a state agency that administers federal and state funds through programs designed to advance the development of energy efficient and affordable housing and run by appointees by various state officials but the majority by the governor, that it bid to oversee housing policy in New Orleans. As federal housing grants have a ceiling that go to an area, if money goes to the state to use, other entities won’t have it.

And almost certainly the state will grab control of the around $50 million the area will get because its plan, unlike the theory behind those of the present lead agency the nonprofit UNITY of Greater New Orleans, is congruent to best practices that the Republican Pres. Donald Trump Administration’s Department of Housing and Urban Development recently adopted. While state and local government and nonprofit representatives rank the applications, HUD has the final word.

Another lightweight story shills leftist agenda

Same tune, different verse for some Louisiana leftist media outlets, this time involving Republican Rep. Julia Letlow.

A couple of months ago a media organization that combined forces of three far-left news sites (backed largely by leftist out-of-state foundations) ran a piece on land acquisition and sales that involved GOP state Sen. Jay Morris concerning the Hyperion project in northeast Louisiana. It used what frequently has become a go-to tactic when leftist media wish to disparage a public official: taking disparate actions and events that themselves are perfectly legal and ethical, try to present a misstep, and use that to attempt to connect those even if unrelated as evidence of some kind of corrupt behavior, as a means of discouraging the official from pursuing a goal against the left’s agenda.

In the case of Morris, it was because Morris fronted legislation to right-size various offices around New Orleans held by Democrats, whose government thoroughly is awash in leftist ideas very out of step with the rest of the state and finds itself increasingly leeching off state taxpayers. Now comes a piece from the efforts of regional public radio and National Public Radio doing something similar with Letlow, coming as a desperate attempt to stop her expected big win this fall in the race against a far-left Democrat nominee.