The debate wasn’t quite a big boy encounter,
not so much because college students rather than interests typically more
involved and less insulated from public policy organized and delivered it but because
the race favorite, Sen. David Vitter,
didn’t grace it with his presence. According
to his Senate website, the Republican was only a few dozen miles away yesterday
inveighing on the lesser prairie chicken, but declined attendance with an
unspecified prior engagement.
Naturally, Republicans Public
Service Commissioner Scott Angelle
and Lt. Gov. Jay Dardenne and
Democrat state Rep. John Bel
Edwards made disapproving noises about his semi-excused absence. Then they
proceeded to underwhelm in their answers to the menu of questions.
All three candidates have stressed
the importance of fiscal issues, and there Edwards really came up short. He was
the only one that supported keeping the state’s generous employee retirement
system basically unchanged, which now costs the state an extra $1.5 billion
annually. Being as Louisiana state employees generally speaking are overcompensated
relative to the private sector for jobs performing similar tasks, the least
that can be done is to switch employees to a defined contribution plan, similar
to those widely used in the private sector and a variant of which the state
attempted to put into law a couple of years ago only to have it fall
prey to a technicality.
This issue also prompted Edwards to
make the most asinine comment of the night, in defense of his view: “Our
employees deserve security and dignity in retirement.” Implying that
individuals who want and choose to use 401(k) types of plans, who want the
flexibility in employment options they offer and control of their own financial
affairs, feel insecure and bring indignity upon themselves? With that, Edwards
reminded the audience of his faith in big government to run people’s lives and
his general arrogance in believing people cannot make good decisions without
the assistance of his kind.
Edwards, joined by Dardenne, also
appeared inconsistent on the fiscal issue of higher education spending. Both
argued of the necessity of change to the Taylor Opportunity Program for
Students, which pays tuition for almost all high school graduates who can get
admitted to a Louisiana public university and many who qualify for admittance to
community colleges. A combination of supply-side pull – because it makes the
costs of higher education next to nothing for many students – and increasing
tuition costs has begun to impose a significant burden upon taxpayers, roughly
in the quarter of a billion dollar range for this fiscal year. A small move to
rein in these costs passed the Legislature this spring only to have Gov. Bobby
Jindal veto
it.
But they also rejected the most
sensible avenue by which to manage costs of higher education in general,
getting the Legislature out of the business of tuition control. By scrapping
this, funding of higher education rests more on the shoulder of taxpayers than
by the primary beneficiaries of that service. With politicians keeping tuition artificially
low in order to seek political credit, taxpayers’ burdens increase. It makes
much more sense for the users of the service to increase their contribution,
especially as the ability
to pay generally is present. And giving campuses more incentives to make
them manage their own affairs efficiently (which would require loosening other
restrictions as well) might trigger with some tuition decreases with market
discipline more in play.
For his part, Angelle wisely
supported stripping legislative tuition-setting authority (schools have a
limited ability to raise tuition if they meet performance benchmarks) but did
not want to alter TOPS. Keeping it unchanged continues to allow marginal
students to waste resources, to disrupt institutional financial planning, and removes
one method by which to prevent excessive tuition hikes.
Nevertheless, Angelle may have come
out as the best of the bunch, courtesy of his arguing, on the issue of sex
education, that any teaching of it in the public schools beyond the sole
surefire means of unintended pregnancies and disease transmission, abstinence,
should come only with parental consent. Dardenne and Edwards seemed to
disregard the values of the family in this moral teaching by not affirming like
Angelle that any such teachings beyond abstinence require a parental option
out.
All did take opportunities to take
shots at Vitter’s no-show yet no barbs at each other, but the dynamics of the
contest make this expected. Edwards is a lock to make the runoff, so Angelle
and Dardenne have to fight off Vitter to join him in it; fighting each other
merely strengthens Vitter’s position. As for Edwards, with Vitter his likely
runoff opponent, it’s never too early to start in on him.
By this event, Edwards still shows
he leaves much to be desired in his issue preferences, but Dardenne’s answers
did not make him stand out and Angelle was just marginally better with his. According
to these answers, if left with these three it’s more a clothespin vote between
the Republicans.
Then there’s Vitter. His campaign site
doesn’t go into any real detail on these kinds of issues, although he has
mentioned most of them in passing from time to time. Front-runners to a certain
degree can afford to sit back to reduce the risk of tampering with a candidate
image that has put them at the top. But eventually they have to give clear
answers to issues of the day, where a forum of the kind held yesterday provides
a good opportunity, and where participating in these also dispels any notion
that the candidate wants to avoid questioning.
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