Last year, Guillory helped to spearhead efforts at reform, designed to
rein in the lucrative retirement benefits regime promised by the state disproportionately
generous to what employees contribute. The problem has created a situation
where each
fund could pay off only a little more than half of its future obligations
with present funding mechanisms and predicted investment performance. This has
created increasingly massive unfunded accrued liabilities that the state
constitutionally must pay off by 2029.
In order to do so, since 1989 the state has had continually to increase
its extra portion paid in beyond what the system was designed to do. For
example, for fiscal
year 2012 TRSL paid in an additional 17.73 percent for employees under its
largest of four plans, above its 5.97 rate while employees paid in 8 percent.
Assuming this figure across all state plans (it varies and TRSL’s regular plan’s
is lower than most; for some of the smaller ones, the figure was in the 30-40
percent range), and using average
salaries and fulltime equivalent employment numbers and estimated full-time
equivalent number
of teachers and their salaries, this
means an estimate of the extra that taxpayers had to contribute to meet the
generous payouts was $1.045 billion in that year, or four percent of the entire
budget and enough to have restored funding for health care and higher education
to 2008 levels.
It’s clearly an unsustainable model to have a system where the equivalent of one-quarter or more again of employee pay goes into pension systems, where of that taxpayers pick up three times or more of than to employees for their own pensions. Thus, Guillory wants to reintroduce much of what he and allies such as the Gov. Bobby Jindal Administration failed to get passed last time, including an increase in employee contributions of three percent (making it 11 percent contributed for the majority of employees) and computing final benefits over a five- instead of three-year average.
But to sweeten the pot to overcome resistance that doomed the reforms
previously, Guillory has added new elements. First, he wants to have the lion’s
share of increased revenues into the system go into paying down the UAL.
Second, what remains would be used to fund small but guaranteed pay raises
every other year for current employees and to provide resources for periodic
cost-of-living increases for retirees. Third, he would have tapped into other
revenue-raising sources, such as from settlements and interest off of unclaimed
state money.
The usual suspects trying to make taxpayers cough up more than their
fair share regarding pensions reacted to these cautiously. The head of the group
that claims it represents the interests of retirees responded positively to the
COLA part but wondered if state employees, many of whom have not seen a raise
of pay in grade for up to four years, should have to increase their personal contributions
by the three percent. Given that state employees already generally are
overcompensated compared to those in the private sector whose jobs perform the
same kinds of tasks, that should not be a concern.
But Maureen Westgard, the executive director of TRSL, appeared to veer
into mendacity with her reaction, when she said about the contribution increase
“Employees would be paying more than what they are getting in return.” TRSL’s
most recent edition of its own handbook, in crowing about the generosity of
its benefits, states that for a “57-year-old single teacher [that] retires
after 30 years of working with an average [annual] salary of $28,800,” in order
to receive monthly $1,800 retirement pay that this hypothetical person would
enjoy a “TRSL benefit the teacher paid $50,000 for is worth more than
$335,000!” in the real world.
Never mind that this retirement age is two-and-a-half years earlier
than one can draw upon an individual retirement account in the real world, or roughly
nine years earlier than Social Security payouts begin. Nor mind the fact that
it’s based upon, in many instances, a work year of nine months and actually is
less than two-thirds the average public school teacher salary (about $49,000) in
the state, which is above the median household income in Louisiana, meaning the
differential paid in is even greater in terms of the actual annuity value. (Now
is it obvious why the UAL is so large?) Regardless, at an average contribution
rate of 7.73 percent over those 30 years (because the rate was only 7 percent
before 1989), an extra 3 percent on top of that would have changed that $50,000
to $69,405; in what conceivable way is that figure greater than $335,000-plus?
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