Apologists for school systems that resist reform,
kowtow to unions and other special interests that owe more fealty to adults than
children, and who blame everything but themselves for failing schools, often
try to defend their failure by arguing they can’t do better because of the kind
of bulk product – children – they have to work with. Frequently, the excuse
takes two forms: minority children (read: black or Hispanic but not Asian) are more
difficult to educate well because of the cultural environments their community historically
has faced or even continues to deal with today, and/or poverty creates
difficult learning conditions.
Worse, the
two things interact and only dramatic solutions involving much greater
spending on education and wealth redistribution outside of education policy can
solve for that, it is asserted. Thus, poor performance largely is out of the
hands of school districts and therefore exempts present systemic practices and
policy from blame.
But how does that explain some information gleaned from Louisiana’s latest batch of district accountability results? Leading the way, for the 14th straight year – every year tracked – is the Zachary Community School System. The system for the municipality of around 14,000 has one school for each couple of grade levels until reaching its sole high school – and has a majority black student enrollment.
True, but it doesn’t have a lot in the way of
poverty. Estimates
in 2017 figured only 6.8 percent of households in poverty, while the city
sported a median household income of nearly $80,000 annually. Contrast this
with nearby Baton Rouge, with an income about $23,000 lower and rate over 10
percent higher, where the parish school district ended up in the bottom fifth.
Then what about St. Bernard Parish schools? Its rate is
right about at Baton Rouge’s and its income a couple of thousands of dollars
lower. Yet it performs in the top 20 of districts, almost 40 places higher than
EBRPSS.
In fact, St. Bernard performs even better than it
did right
before the hurricane disasters of 2005, which wiped out its school
infrastructure. It has gone up an equivalent of a rating level and several places
among other districts. In that way, it mirrors Orleans, which carried essentially
a failing grade back then and ranked second-worst, but now outperforms EBR.
Orleans also saw major challenges after the storms,
which resulted in a complete overhaul of how the district operated, including jettisoning
district-wide collective bargaining. As for hidebound EBR, its performance
has slipped relative to its peers.
While certainly socioeconomic factors play into education,
these qualitative data affirm that the differing cultural values assigned to
education across the SES spectrum don’t nearly determine outcomes to the degree
the educational revanchists claim. Policies aimed at empowering students and their
families, not bureaucrats and unions, can make a significant difference in
educational achievement.
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