With
the 2018 Third Extraordinary Session of the Louisiana Legislature commencing, the
Democrat Edwards’ administration has launched a full-court press to ensure some
kind of sales tax increase reoccurs as a result of it. Immediately after the end
of the second edition, administration officials began circulating reports of
various supposed calamities that would come from failure to reinstitute some
kind of tax hike.
One
such came from the Corrections Secretary Jimmy LeBlanc. He claimed that a
$75 million reduction in budgetary authority would cause him to release 10,000
prisoners, specifically nonviolent ones not sex offenders housed in local jails,
over the span of several months The state pays local authorities $24.39 daily
to keep the overflow of state inmates for which Louisiana doesn’t have room in
its own institutions.
LeBlanc determined this from a loss he said of $45.5 million to fund that. Such a releasing would constitute over half of all such situated inmates, who presently comprise a majority of all state convicts. This would drop the total number held by over 30 percent.
But
is it all that dramatic? The budget
reveals a current baseline of $175.2 million reduced to $134.8 million, which comes
out as a difference of only $40.4 million. That actually comprises three
separate initiatives: the $24.39 per diem,
transitional work program expenses, and reentry services, of which the bulk of
the spending ($117.1 million) and reduction ($39.1 million) is in the payments
to local jails.
Taking
that figure and the per diem, dividing the latter into the former and then by
365 days a year, that comes out to just under 4,400. That should be the number
of prisoners unfunded. So why does LeBlanc claim 10,000 needing release?
That
4,400 is not far below one Edwards threw out during his 2015 campaign. He
caught flak for saying that he
would want to see 5,500 fewer state prisoners. This would accomplish that
goal, although he did point out then he meant that the intake should fall by
that number, not come through mass releases.
Even
so, another alternative could cut that figure a bit. Last year, the state
closed operations at one of its two privately-run prisons, Allen, both of
which cost the least to run per prisoner. Reopening that while shuttering one
of the higher-cost (such as comparably-sized Raymond Laborde) at the old rate
(prior to previous budgets cuts that downgraded it to jail status) would save another
$4.6 million, or reducing further cutting of slots to under 3,900. It should
take a minimal amount of time to make that transition, as the previous operator
who didn’t renew the contract seemed willing to continue at the $31.51 daily
rate.
Consider
as well that Republican leaders of the Legislature offered a sales tax increase
that would offset much of this, by reinstituting a third of the sales tax cent
expiring at the end of the month. Edwards would prefer a half cent, which he
asserts would fund fully items such as local housing of state adult offenders.
At
a third of a cent, the supposed deficit converts into just over 1,500 beds daily.
Swap a private for public prison, and it’s cut to 1,000. Surely this figure the
department could absorb through using a combination of parole and probation, taking
advantage of the Edwards-backed criminal justice reinvention initiative that
should release some inmates earlier and divert others from incarceration, and implementing
departmental efficiencies. In fact, at this level, the department as a whole
would gain $24 million over last year, as without it the budget calls for only $15
million fewer in net total funds.
Edwards
must feel some substantial likelihood that the Legislature in this session might
not pass any tax increase or else these stories would not have emerged shortly
after the previous session. But having that happen would fulfill his goal of
lowering the incarceration rate if he has LeBlanc follow through. Whether he
would think twice about it over how that might impact his reelection chances is
another matter.
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