White
knuckle time has come to Louisiana’s policy-makers, but that should not
obscure the fact that, given the inevitability of tax hikes, only the sales tax
needs increasing.
Today the Legislature will take up
again the budget-balancing issue. While the long term looms, what to do to
solve the current year deficit remains unknown and most in need of urgent
resolution. As the sun set yesterday, legislative rules prevented any more
introductions of legislation on the tax side, so any moves that deal with
taxation must take place within the confines of any legislation already passed
by a chamber, with all matters settled by 6 PM Wednesday.
At that time, given the range of tax
instruments already dealt with by at least one chamber, a gap of well over $100
million remained. Since appetites for further spending cuts seem lost, the
question has boiled down to whether sales tax adjustments should take up the
entire slack, or if some combination of income tax rate, deduction, and credit
changes and sales tax exemptions on business also should enter the mix.
Republicans have backed the notion
of increasing the sales tax one percent for 27 months and a little higher for
15 months that gradually dissipates, perhaps including eliminating some
business exemptions from the existing four percent, a position Democrats and their
partisan counterpart Gov. John Bel Edwards desperately
wish to avoid. Edwards’ and they seek in the long term to keep state spending
as elevated as possible using the most redistributionist means as possible,
meaning concentrating on raising business taxes – conveniently ignoring that
these get passed along to individuals – and preferably in the form of income
taxes that would include individuals as well, on a long-term or permanent basis
to institutionalize bigger government.
In opposition to sales tax increases,
Democrats have taken to braying about how that means lower-income individuals
pay a higher proportion of their income in taxes and that even the one percent
elevation would make Louisiana’s the highest combined state and local sales tax
on average in the country. But both assertions exaggerate to the point of
distorting the debate over the actual impact of any increase.
Currently, at 9 percent Louisiana ranks
third among the states in average aggregate sales tax (it differs from
parish to parish). However, in per capita
sales tax collection, it ranks only 40th out of the states and
District of Columbia. The discrepancy comes from the broad constitutional exemptions
that exist to Louisiana state sales taxation, chiefly for individuals excluding
charges on unprepared food, residential utilities, and prescription drugs. And because
these comprise a higher proportion of purchases by lower-income households, this
induces less regressivity into Louisiana’s application of the sales tax.
Using census
(2006), labor
(2011), and estimates (2015) of health
care expenditure data, we can derive the proportion of expenses for
families with at least one child, both those that receive some kind of
government assistance and those that don’t, on unprepared food, residential
utilities, and prescription drugs (data are national except for the utility
data which are specific to Louisiana, where the households that receive aid are
assumed to have two-thirds renters and the others one-third; health care data
assume a family of four). We can assume the families receiving assistance, who
spend on average $30,582 annually, represent lower-income households while
those that do not, who spend on average $66,525 a year, represent higher-income
households.
Computations show that the
lower-income families have only 51.3 percent of the dollar amount of their
transactions taxed, while the upper-income ones have 63.2 percent taxed. This
means that the average proportion of income that goes to sales taxes for the
lower-income is 5.84 percent and for the higher-income is 4.49 percent – a bit
regressive, but not much.
Yet this overestimates the tax
advantage accrued by those with lower incomes. As it is, average expenses of the lower group exceed its income by $3,730 a year
– caused because government benefits aren’t included in the computation of
income, an omission which overestimates the proportion of sales taxes paid
total receipts. Looking at a minimal measure of total cash received – at least
the amount spent, but total benefits almost certainly exceed this amount
nontrivially – the proportion falls to 5.13 percent. And given that the average
sales tax paid by this group is only $1,569 a year, you could argue that the
value of benefits that more than doubles this amount sets a negative marginal
sales tax rate for these families.
So protestations that a sales tax
unduly hurts the poor are invalid. Chances are when taking into account the
exemptions and total benefits received, little difference remains in the
proportions of total receipts paid out in sales taxes between higher- and
lower-income families. This validates the approach taken by Republicans in the
revenue debate: if the objective is to raise substantial sums quickly, the
fairest tax as it hits different income levels fairly evenly, is the sales tax.
The Republican majority needs to
stand fast with sales tax hikes for relatively short periods as the answer to
the current-year shortfall, resisting any attempt to alter that arrangement
with, for example, trying to amend onto bills to do this an increase in the inefficient
and fraud-ridden Earned Income Tax Credit on the basis that it “levels the
playing field” for the poorer; the playing field already is level in regards to
the sales tax. And if Edwards and Democrats complain, let the sales tax
increase die and force the Edwards Administration to carry out its dire threats
to close higher education institutions and kick people with disabilities out on
the streets despite his campaign promises he would prevent this.
It won’t; it’ll find ways to make more
sensible cuts rather than face a severe public backlash. Because Republicans
can go to the public and tell it they had a solution in hand to fund everything
but Edwards and Democrats rejected it, and the latter have no politically
winning defense against that argument. If Republicans stand firm, the special session
will produce as the only significant tax increase that to the sales tax for a
limited period.
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