Myth: Medicaid expansion
has saved states money.
Fact: The program
deliberately was front-loaded with the federal government picking up all the
provider costs for the first three years, although states did have to pay administrative
costs. It could be argued that all the federal dollars being redistributed
about could make certain states winners, although this ignores that, if left
uncollected from taxes and/or through the consequences of increased debt,
allowing earners of this money to keep it would have resulted in more efficient
uses of it that may increase economic activity beyond that artificially stimulated
by the redistribution into health care spending by government. Further, some
states had state-run programs that could be passed off to the federal
government in very large part because of expansion.
But the data show that many
states on balance have
seen huge cost increases well beyond what was anticipated by expansion, because
they underestimated costs – new enrollees who were predicted to actually cost
less ended up costing on average 19 percent more – and enrollments – where
almost all states have seen more enrollees than expected. The overall number of
enrollees climbed a stunning 28 percent, with some states underestimating enrollments
and costs by at least half. Go figure – give something away, and more people
using more of it want it.
While there’s reason to think these
hikes will taper and not continue at higher-than-expected levels, the baselines
established already have many expanding states set to pay out much more than
they anticipated when in 2017 they start to pay a portion of the costs. This
means to offset, savings will have to be greater than anticipated from sources
such as a drop in uncompensated care costs, emergency room visits, and greater
access to preventive care. For most states, that seems unlikely.
Myth: Medicaid
expansion will save states money because it will decrease uncompensated care
costs, which are scheduled to decline by half in the next several years.
Fact: While overall
hospitals pass along about
a third of UCC costs to private/third-party payers, for the remainder they eat
the costs. Some UCC payments will come through the federal government’s
Disproportionate Share Hospital program that sends money to providers that
serve a significant number of the uninsured and others directly from state and
local governments. Presumably, having Medicaid cover these costs would decrease
UCC claims that state and local governments would have to pick up, either by
having lower insurance payments, deductibles, and co-payments by individuals
and governments because of some of these costs not having to be passed along, or
by simply not paying directly as many UCC to providers.
But a national study suggests that
the displacement of UCC patients into Medicaid at best will net out as far as
state financing goes, with the hard numbers suggesting expansion
would cost across the states over a billion more dollars annually than derived
in UCC savings. The cost differential could swing more in the favor of states
as the law originally was to have started reducing UCC payments already. But because
projections have been so far off to the detriment of safety-net hospitals, no
reductions have occurred and may never, leaving states with more federal money
to treat the uninsured.
Myth: Medicaid expansion
will save states money because it will replace emergency room visits with
preventive care.
Fact: These visits
continue to climb in number in states that expanded and nationwide despite more
people insured. In fact, the most
comprehensive experimental study on the concept of Medicaid expansion notes
that new Medicaid enrollees are more likely to use ER services than the
uninsured.
That’s because expansion provides
only the guarantee of insurance, not of care. With Medicaid reimbursement rates
so low (even with some
states picking up and still paying to providers the 2013-14 “fee bump” for
expansion that the federal government discontinued), proportionally fewer
and fewer providers are accepting new Medicaid patients while that
population has increased dramatically in states that expanded. So, with wait
times to see doctors up, Medicaid clients head to the ER for their primary
care. Thus, in dollar terms less efficient care drives up costs under expansion
and puts states in a no-win situation: to reduce ER usage and those costs, they
must increase costs on Medicaid reimbursement. Expansion does nothing to drive
down costs in this way.
Keep in mind also that preventive care
only partially impacts costs, under the theory that catching maladies early
staves off the bigger costs from complications down the road. Many of the poorer-registering
aggregate American health indicators come not from a lack of health care
intervention, but from poor lifestyle choices that no amount of preventive medicine
can counteract.
Myth: Medicaid
expansion will create a healthier population than if some are left uninsured,
saving money.
Fact: A large
number of studies demonstrate this simply is not the case. In the
aggregate, Medicaid clients have health outcomes no better than the same
uninsured population, and other studies in many specific areas show worse
outcomes, in areas ranging from major surgeries to some late-stage cancers to
lung transplants.
In all likelihood, these sorry
statistics come from the low reimbursement rates that not only attract less
capable providers but also encourage assembly line medicine to increase
quantities, the cursory nature of which means less appropriate care. Care in an
ER might be far more expensive to taxpayers on a case-by-case basis, but may
produce better outcomes with fewer future complications to make it overall
cheaper.
Myth: Louisiana’s
increasing Medicaid costs are partly a consequence of lack of expansion.
Fact: Nationally,
while state Medicaid costs of expansion states rose about a half more slowly
than those of states that didn’t, keep in mind expansion medical costs were
paid fully by the federal government. Looking at total Medicaid spending,
expansion states increases were three times higher than those of non-expansion
states.
In reality, the main drivers of spending
are matching payments by the federal government, the take-up rate of eligible
enrollees, service use intensity, and medical inflation. The state’s growth
rate from 2000-14
in such spending is only 2.3 percent. In fact, the rate of increase from 2010-14
was well below the national average of 5.2 percent, at 1.4 percent – remarkable
in that the federal government reimbursement rate plummeted 18 percentage points
in that timespan and a testament to efficiencies such as the move to the Bayou
Health managed capitation plan and away from direct operation of charity
hospitals.
Myth: By not choosing
expansion, dollars that Louisiana could get for health care instead are given
to other states.
Fact: debunked here
already.
Look for all of these myths to be
propagated, and often uncritically repeated by the media, today and for the
foreseeable future. Do not be fooled by these, for the facts negate them.
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