If being unable to figure out
Louisiana’s campaign finance reports and constructing straw men and chasing red
herrings qualifies one for service on the Board of Elementary and Secondary
Education, then member Lottie
Beebe goes to the head of the class.
Beebe got into a dander when I
pointed out, in a letter she sent to The
Advocate chastising its editorialists for pointing out the success of
education reform as a byproduct of changes wrought by the hurricane disasters
of 2005, her paranoia-infused theories about Louisiana’s Department of
Education statistics,. Her claim was that shadowy forces somehow exerted enough
control over the agency and BESE as to fix data to make it appear that
education reforms she bitterly opposed were succeeding. In doing so, she
insulted most of her fellow members by implying they were pawns of others and
elevated hearsay evidence as her source of her allegation that data coming from
DOE could not be trusted.
In
my Advocate column,
I made several points: (1) that as a member of BESE she had access to all of
DOE’s data to check it for herself, (2) that, as a district superintendent, she
had her own system’s raw data that she could check against what DOE put out for
veracity, (3) that independent research on related indicators confirmed results
obtained from DOE data, thereby providing construct validity to them, and (4)
that throwing around claims of others’ bias contaminating data ignored her own
prejudices against the worldview concerning education that the data to date
have confirmed. So she fired off a letter
to The Advocate as a presumed
response.
Except
that it hardly addressed most of the points I made. Responding to my first
point, she argued that as a single member of BESE that, despite the fact that
she was one of the 11 bosses of DOE, that without the concurrence of others on
BESE she couldn’t compel information from DOE. That is sheer nonsense: not only
at BESE, but at the other collective state policy-making bodies, the Public
Service Commission and the Legislature, any single member can compel
information from their staff. DOE may be circumspect in handing out to
outsiders information that may have sensitive personal data attached, but it’s
not going to and cannot refuse a request from one of its leaders.
Understand
this explanation not only serves as an excuse to validate her paranoia but also
as an admission that her hypothesis is incorrect, because if she did ask the
data she then would receive them and these would disconfirm her falsification
thesis. Thus, don’t ask, you don’t have to tell the world you’re wrong. That
response also provides additional impugning of her fellow BESE members, who by her
implication are complicit in preventing this reputed scam from coming to light.
And
as for the simple checking of her original district data against what DOE
reports for it, mysteriously she does not address that point. That’s because
this also would falsify her hypothesis, and she desperately wishes to avoid
that.
In
her comments about independent research providing construct validity to DOE’s
published results, she tries to brush this aside by mentioning a Cowen
Institute study that later
was retracted as a way of discrediting all such research in general. This
is both a mistaken and dishonest tactic. The Cowen Institute data that confirms
the general trend that student performance growth in Orleans Parish has been
significant in charter schools, a school governance form she criticizes, comes
from its annual State
of Public Education in New Orleans reports. The argument is specious in any
event; that the removed report’s data may not have been analyzed properly, used
selectively, or tampered with to produce that study does not mean that those so
used were false to begin with.
Of
course, these Institute data over time are not analyzed by it experimentally,
making us less certain of the actual impact. However, that’s not a drawback of
reports by the Center for Research on Education Outcomes, which has conducted multiple studies on the
impact of charter schools not only in New Orleans but across Louisiana and
the country. They do show the beneficial effects that charter schools have had
using a quasi-experimental design, and have countered successfully critics’
attempts to try to discredit these results. Oddly, Beebe chose not to address
this research inconvenient to her argument.
Finally,
she almost entirely sidestepped discussing her glass house position that
alleged bias among her opponents on reform issues led to fake data when in fact
she had her own agenda prejudiced against many reform aspects that explains why
she would make her desperate fabrication claim – because, as I noted, when
losing an argument on the basis of the facts, those so invested in the issue on
the losing side then try to change the facts to make it seem that they are not
on the short end. The only way in which she addressed this directly was to
claim she wasn’t against reform, pointing out her district’s participation in piloting
teacher evaluations and in Act 3 of 2012
early childhood education changes.
But
that defense fails to note she outspokenly has opposed most teacher and
district accountability measures as in Acts 1 and 2 of 2012,
as well as on the subject of the previous editorial and my column, school
choice. Her record of being a reactionary on broad education reform initiatives
that involve greater parental choice and increased accountability of schools
and teachers using value-added measures is indisputable, and to point that out
is not, as she erroneously claimed, to say that she is against all reforms. Just
because you support one narrow reform and participate in some reform
implementation does not inoculate you from your record.
Her
penchant for saying criticism of her views is something that it is not is additionally
reflected by other assertions she makes, such as by my drawing a parallel
between the command and control model of the Soviet Union to the government
school monopoly model she favors in her mind becomes a putdown of concerns of
school governance and transparency. No; it’s not axiomatic that obstructing
school choice means one must always be concerned about those kinds of issues
because one can have such concerns and favor school choice, or could forward
such concerns as a cover for an agenda to restore the government monopoly
model.
And
where I did make a factual error – I forgot to include in my calculations her
2011 BESE opponent’s initial campaign finance reports – in stating she outspent
her opponent in that election, she can’t even get that right by stating in her
letter the opponent spent $132,000. In fact, her opponent
spent only $69,000 in the 2011 campaign: from Sep. 6-12 $900; from Sep.
13-Oct. 2 $4,000; and from Oct. 3-Dec. 31 $64,100. Beebe spent from Aug. 1-Sep.
12 $3,997.36; from Sep. 13 to Oct. 2 $1,467.10; and from Oct. 3 to Oct. 30
$58,535.75, for a total (including in-kind contributed spending) of $64,000.21.
If you’re going to call attention to someone else’s error, at least don’t make
your own mistake.
So
in the final analysis, when sifting through her various straw men and red herrings
– delivering these instead of substantive rebuttals undoubtedly a skill learned
through her decades rising in the educational establishment – other than the
campaign spending fact (which had nothing to do with her argument and is
erroneous on her part), there’s no “false information” at all in the column.
The facts remain: she has no evidence to disprove the validity of the DOE data
that reflects progress through reform but every reason to make such an
unsubstantiated claim given her prejudices derived from a career investment and
special interest alliances in the unreformed, subpar system.
And
her letter only amplifies the question confronting voters: do they want to
reelect someone who at the very least can’t figure out campaign finance
documents, but who, more importantly, cannot come close to explaining
convincingly why she does not desire to construct a fantasy scenario that
attempts to explain why she has not been so wrong specifically on the issue of
educational choice? Is it really in the best interest of children to have such
a hard-headed politician who will not realize and make policy on the basis of
reality?
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