Better
known as former state Sen. Derrick Shepherd, he recently exited the slammer
after having served felony time for corruption in office. However, despite the Constitution making
him ineligible to run for state office for 15 years after finishing his
sentence without a pardon from the appropriate official, he signed
up to run for his old House seat. A series of court maneuvers then ensued
trying to throw him off the ballot or him trying to stay on it, based upon the
Constitution’s provision.
These
have come on two tracks, one weighing his status on how he thinks he should
qualify within the provision, and the other on the constitutionality of the
provision itself, where plaintiffs claimed the actual legislative instrument
got lost in translation on the way to the ballot language to amend it into the
document, which should nullify the successfully amended-in passage. The
Louisiana Supreme Court is expected to rule on both questions in the near
future.
My Advocate colleague James Gill has done a credible analysis on the specifics of the cases and concludes that Shepherd does not seem likely to prevail on either pathway. Yet he bemoans that outcome, arguing that the electoral marketplace should determine the fates of felonious candidates. Even if felons are running, Gill maintains that voters should have the final say on whether that recent and/or unredeemed criminal history disqualifies that candidate, not the Constitution.
But
this view overlooks an important aspect to the constitutional prohibition as it
stands, paralleled in the debate in years past over whether to deny certain
retirement benefits to public servants who engage in corrupt activities as part
of their jobs. Simply, as in the case of that state law that
eventually passed into effect a couple of years ago, as it pertains to some of
these benefits an official’s knowledge that committing a felony disqualifies
from these serves as a disincentive to act corruptly in the first place.
Human
nature of this kind also applies in the case of disqualification from holding
state or local elected office. If a politician with progressive ambition knows
that a career in politics essentially disappears if ever caught and convicted of
a felony, of any kind, then that should discourage behavior that is felonious.
While this includes activities outside of the performance of official duties,
the official knowing the risk becomes less likely to take it in performance of
his job, producing a higher quality of governance.
While
the intent of many concerning this part of the Constitution may have focused
more on preventing people that at one point in life showed defective character
from becoming their governors, its deterrent effect is more relevant to justifying
its existence. If the Supreme Court does strike down this passage, this should
be restored in a constitutional manner as soon as possible.
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