With three months to go, the
gubernatorial campaign of state Rep. John Bel Edwards has increased
the vigor of its whistling into the wind as more adverse information comes in about
the state of all the candidates’ campaigns.
The Democrat faces three
well-funded Republicans for the state’s top offices, Sen. David Vitter, Lt. Gov. Jay Dardenne, and Public Service
Commissioner Scott Angelle. In the
most recent fundraising period, he raised much less than these GOP
adversaries, and at around a million bucks has one-fifth Vitter’s total banked,
about half of Dardenne’s, and is even with Angelle, who did outraise him by a
factor of seven in the latest period. Add in affiliated political action
committee funds, and his disparity with all becomes even greater.
That’s not necessarily the end of
the world. As the only Democrat in the contest and with his base
disproportionately of the yellow dog variety, just having that singular “D” by
his name on the ballot means he doesn’t need to spend a penny to get a quarter
of the votes cast. The problem is having that “D” also repels at least a
quarter of the vote and as for the other half makes them skeptical, and only
vigorous campaigning that requires lots of cash can hope to flip a majority of
that half open enough to voting for a Democrat in a statewide contest to do
exactly that.
Understand also that donations to a
campaign signal votes by proxy. While some donors give out of ideological
conviction no matter the perceived chances of a candidate to win, most treat it
as an investment: they give to those they think share their agenda (or at least
are thought open to considering it) that they see has having a decent chance to
prevailing. It makes no sense to them to do anything but back what they see as
the winning horse; any other behavior to them simply throws money away that constitutes
unwise, wasteful spending.
Realizing this, an evaluation of
Edwards’ fundraising reflects generally a pessimistic outlook on his candidacy.
One other point drives this home: Vitter is the leading money-raiser in the
three largest cities in the state, whose population total about 808,000, while
the largest city in which Edwards outranks all other of his competitors is his
hometown of Amite, the 64th largest metropolis in Louisiana weighing
in at 4,275.
Seeing expectations diminished by
what trickles in monetarily may have spurred the Edwards campaign to seize upon
some private
polling information that reputedly gave Edwards the lead in the contest so
far. It was leaked to a publication that would just as soon share his bed to
show off the presumed result to the world, and now he and his campaign cite it
at the drop of a hat.
The only problem in the conclusion
that Edwards leads the race from that poll is that it’s a lie. The pollster
himself publicly refuted the allegation, where his data showed Vitter with a
clear lead and in a matchup with Edwards defeating him decisively. He speculated
that Edwards contrived the claim by reviewing a series of “push” questions
either praising or denigrating by way of issue preferences and cherry-picking
one that showed Edwards out in front. These questions tell much about possible
tactics a campaign can use to congratulate its candidate and to denigrate
others, but little about voting behavior because few people are one-issue
voters but instead, if they vote on the basis of issues, consider a mixture of these
of varying weights.
Besides showing the intellectual
dishonesty of the Edwards camp, its trumpeting of the false conclusion
demonstrates its nervousness. Knowing the fundraising totals reflected
tepidness about the candidate, it must be willing to seize on anything in order
to make Edwards seem more competitive than he actually is. It’s not an entirely
academic point: even if Edwards has little chance to win, his showing will have
an impact on down-ballot Democrats, and the more competitive he appears, the
more enthusiasm that will develop that will seep down to assist these
candidates.
Democrats will not win any
statewide contests this fall. But they want to prevent Republicans from winning
as many other state and local races as possible. Making Edwards seem more of an
electoral force serves that purpose, even if increasingly that impression appears
to be built upon fiction.
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