In all, nine qualified, including
Democrat Landrieu and her main rival Republican Rep. Bill Cassidy, the marginally competitive
Republican military retiree/corporate functionary Rob Maness, and six others. Five of them
will have no impact on the race. A libertarian will siphon a few votes from
Maness, who presents himself as a political outsider, a white male Republican
will do the same, two white male Democrats will hardly take from Landrieu, and
the same for a black female Democrat.
Her biggest concern comes from
the last-minute entry of the Rev. Raymond Brown, the gadfly leader of a New
Orleans-based (Landrieu’s stronghold) organization called National Action Now, which once had a disputed
relationship with the larger radical civil rights organization National Action Network. Brown
has a history of inserting himself into incidents involving presumed racial
conflict where the police are involved, most
recently (and not for the first time) in New Iberia. In the past Brown has
toyed with entering political contests, but committed to this one, at least for
now.
Brown, who is black and running
as a Democrat, given his notoriety may get one percent of the vote even with
minimal campaigning. Add in the other Democrats running and maybe that’s a
total of two percent. But the difficulty for Landrieu here is that the majority
of those would have voted for her, the rest would not have, and that of the other minor candidates, few of
their voters would have voted for Cassidy rather than Maness. In other words, their
presence disproportionately harms her compared to Cassidy.
Ordinarily, this would be no big
deal because if she failed to win outright, all she has to do is make the
runoff, and these couple of points in no way threaten her from doing that. But in
this case this is a massive problem for her: while for her the dynamics of the
general election – unpopular president of her own party, but if on the ballot
still gets her votes disproportionately that in a midterm election don’t show
up – aren’t good, those of a general election runoff are even worse. With far
fewer contests on the ballot and during the holiday season, disproportionately
voters whose demographics favor Republican candidates will participate in that
one.
In other words, the Nov. 4
electorate will suit her better than the one of Dec. 6, and her chances of
getting 50 percent plus one on the former date are much better than with the
latter. So to put it another way, if she cannot get that on Nov. 4, barring incredible
circumstances prior to Dec. 6, she has no chance of getting that then.
Simply, Landrieu has to win
outright on Nov. 4 or she will not win reelection. That’s why even a two
percent swing from her to others may make a crucial difference to her electoral
fate, whereas even the presence of Maness makes no real difference to Cassidy’s
(unless Maness runs a scorched-earth candidacy that discourages those who vote
for him from voting for Cassidy in the runoff). Because her margin for error is
critically small in this environment, every little bit matters for her
survival, and is why the entrance of Brown into the race, as minimal as his
effect will be on peeling off voters, is another blow to her chances and
increases the odds in favor of Cassidy’s election.
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