Never is the disingenuousness of the political left more on display when given something it declares it wants – except that only serves as cover for its true goal that it tries to sneak past the public and policy-makers, as the reaction by some to a bill waiting Gov. Bobby Jindal’s decision demonstrates.
SB
359 by state Sen. Jack Donahue started
out its legislative life uncontroversially, as a means to tighten penalties in
employers that fail to pay wages on time. However, late in the session a good
portion of the text of HB
956 was read into it, unanimously. HB 956 would have expanded equal wage protections
for women by state law where none existed, essentially by adopting language from
the federal Equal Pay Act. As a result, it really only would have had symbolic
value, in that the state already had to follow standards at least as protective
as the federal law, although states may impose even greater controls in the
name of pay equity.
HB 956 had started out its legislative
life problematically,
as it did not originally include an important passage from 29 U.S.C. 206(d).
Lacking that phrasing meant the bill could have served as a vehicle for
introducing the noxious notion of “comparable worth” into the state’s
jurisprudence. This meant that unequal pay could be alleged on the idea the
value of the work depended not upon its actual production and value of it by
the marketplace, but upon abstract criteria that ignored these realities.
Fortunately, that flaw was amended away.
Yet opponents of the bill, who
backed other bills that would have introduced a comparable worth ideology, also
didn’t like it for another reason. They maintain a fiction that a labor market
not regulated enough causes a pay equity gap that demands sterner regulations,
citing the raw statistic that the average salary of all females in Louisiana is
about two-thirds of that of all males. In reality, when making a valid
comparison of national pay rates by introducing
all relevant variables, there is no
statistical difference between male and female wages for doing the same level
of work, which speaks to the effectiveness of the federal law.
Thus, these deniers stump for the
nonsensical notion of “unintentional” discrimination, meaning that markets
working even with overt penalties for paying differentially solely on the basis
of sex continue to produce the alleged discrepancy, meaning the system had to
contain a flaw that permitted this. Besides basing this on the mistaken
comparison statistic, note also that the entire concept makes no sense: illegal
discrimination is a personal, conscious and chosen act by an individual based
upon prejudices deemed unjustifiable by society, meaning it cannot be something
impersonally done by a collective in an unconscious fashion with protections in
place.
Yet this serves only as a cover
for a larger agenda, that of justifying greater control over marketplace
decisions in order to enhance the power of government and special interests
that can influence it, at the expense of individual liberty as well as of optimal
marketplace production. Naturally, this goal never is admitted in backing
radical equal pay legislation.
So the amended version of HB 956
really agitated these radicals, because it was drawn only to ensure that state
law reflected federal standards that correctly defined illegal discrimination
and in place then could serve as an impediment to their true agenda, in that
genuine equal pay provisions would be in place with no reason to pursue the
matter further. And to a point they succeeded when on May 28 the bill failed
to pass out of a Senate committee.
However, HB 956 author state Rep.
Valerie Hodges
seems to have done her homework, for the next day on the floor of the House
state Rep. Joe
Lopinto offered an amendment reading the relevant text of her bill into
Donhaue’s, apparently with his blessing, which was adopted unanimously. The
next day in the Senate, leftist Democrats plus former Democrat state Sen. Fred Mills apparently got their marching
orders from a principal advocate of the radical agenda, head of state Democrats
and state Sen. Karen Peterson, to
oppose concurrence, but it was sent to Jindal on a 28-10
vote.
Of course, the exposes as a lie some
of the bill’s opponents that the language was “snuck” in – the debate in the
House and Senate were both open and followed the rules. They also are
disingenuous when they claim that “intent” to discriminate is not defined; in
fact, it is as by the relevant passages from federal law, but in a way they don’t
think it should be, so they disregard that fact and in their rhetoric pretend
it doesn’t exist. For her part, Peterson adds to the deception by insinuating
the law actually is a retrenchment by comparison (apparently) to a law
passed last year that applies only to state employment, not to private
sector employment, and that it is a hindrance to equal pay when clearly the
federal law on which it is based has helped preserve the opposite.
Again, the facts contradict these
attempts to cover up the true objective of the likes of Peterson and points to their
inherent hypocrisy. They really aren’t so much interested in fairness in pay as
they are in expanding the power of the state in order to pursue more effectively
a collectivist agenda, for if they truly did value that equality they would
support wholeheartedly a proven law, as verified by the data. And thus meriting
Jindal’s signature affixed to the largely symbolic bill, in that having it in
state law would make future attempts to change it illuminate the presence of
this agenda that is contrary to the public’s wishes and its good.
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