One of the red herring arguments used by opponents to recent education reform
efforts in Louisiana has been the process has lacked openness and transparency.
Perhaps this has proven a popular line of attack out for its familiarity, because
some of these opponents themselves come up far short in this category.
A group leading the charge has been the Coalition for
Progress in Louisiana, which now holds itself out as “Louisiana Progress.”
The affiliate of the far-left Center
for American Progress is according to its website and IRS letter of determination
for 501(c)(3) charitable nonprofit status domiciled in Baton Rouge with former
Shreveport state Rep. Melissa Flournoy as its executive director. Within the
past year she has had several opinion pieces that ran in the Shreveport Times about education and
other issues, and recently the organization with The Times sponsored
a forum on coming challenges in education, and also the same with a couple
of other Gannett publications.
Also being involved in other political outreach efforts, one would
think this costs some money. The group appears to be able to attract some
donors: the web site for Razoo,
a foundation to channel money to groups, in the middle of July gave a total of
108 donors and three separate “fundraisers” that indirectly had money donated to
it. The Form
990 that some nonprofit groups are required annually to submit to the Internal
Revenue Service from Razoo showed in 2011 it shunted $6,453 to the
organization.
Yet, as the Lincoln Parish New Online reported, the only documentation concerning the organization comes from its initial efforts to get assigned 501(c)(3) status in 2006. Since then, it has filed no Forms 990 or the less-exacting version for groups that receive relatively low total donation and/or expenditure amounts, the 990-N, either of which violates IRS rules. Nor is there any indication that the group continues to qualify as a 501(c)(3) organization; typically, there has been a three-year provisional period which would have run out by now in its case lacking the filing of these forms. This means contributions to the group would be liable for income taxes to be paid by the group, nor may its donors write off the donation for their taxes.
Nor can the public have the legally required information about who its
officers, directors, or key employees are, and what compensation they receive.
However, Shreveport attorney Jerry
Edwards on the Web holds himself out as a director, besides whatever role
Flournoy officially has. (Apparently, a lawyer
now in Philadelphia previously was the group’s executive director.)
Just as unforthcoming with legally required information have been
efforts to recall Gov. Bobby
Jindal and four legislators who with him played significant roles in getting
reforms enacted, with supposedly separate organizations set up to accomplish
each task. After this
space ran a piece on how it appeared at least two of the efforts were in
violation of state law for failing to file campaign finance reports, two weeks
later, two weeks ago, reports were filed two months late for the recall efforts
aimed at Jindal and House Speaker Chuck Kleckley.
However, they left other questions unanswered. The “Recall Bobby Jindal”
website, for example, listed the
web site as an in-kind contribution from teacher Phyllis Aswell, but that site
contains information for all recall efforts. Yet the Kleckley one does not list
an in-kind contribution from Aswell or from the Jindal effort (of the other
three, two still have filed any report, while one for state Rep. Greg Cromer
filed essentially a blank report accompanied by a letter of resignation from
its chairman.). As another example, the Jindal group reports no expenditures,
yet it has had events designed to gather signatories without reporting any
in-kind contributions or payments made for facilities, speakers, and the like.
Nor are reported sales of any of the cheesy recall merchandise.
The chairwoman of the Jindal group, teacher Angie Bonvillain, professed
ignorance of the reporting law – even though the information was made publicly
available in this space only days after the first report should have been
due and not long after that the state Republican Party publicized the matter.
But in regards to another law, she and her fellow travelers have been defiant. State law clearly specifies
that the chairwoman is the custodian for these public records that must be open
for examination upon request during the signature-gathering process, but Bonvillain
has refused
to follow it upon request by the Louisiana GOP, which is mulling a suit to
compel the release.
Then there is the lingering controversy about efforts of teachers’
unions that may have coordinated opposition legislatively to the reforms and
efforts apparently to hide that. The invaluable news and opinion website The
Hayride made a public records request for e-mail messages sent between teachers’
union leaders and four legislators during the past legislative session set off
tirades but, months later, apparently no compliance from the Legislature.
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