This past week, the New Orleans
Times-Picayune ran an interesting series on Louisiana corrections policy
and its larger ramifications to society. But perhaps the most revealing
information from it, pointing to an issue which scarcely gets addressed, came
in the form of portraits of the raw product that fuels imprisonment – the miscreants
themselves, how they got there, and how policy affects their behavior prior to
their infusing into the system.
The series focuses on the state’s stern criminal justice policies that
make it apparently the lockup capital of the world as its rate is highest in
the U.S., which has the highest rate in the world, and policy to change it that
would produce fewer people incarcerated yet still punished and perhaps directed
in ways to reduce repeat offenses. It makes the case that the high rate of
imprisonment partly is a function of current policies (although some are about
to be relaxed it appears) that if changed would alleviate the condition
somewhat with benefits of the change to society exceeding the costs.
However, it does not stop to ponder the nexus between rates of crime
and rates of imprisonment. One might think a high imprisonment rate must have a
high rate of crime to supply the raw material. Think again: next to the U.S.,
Singapore has the highest lockup rate in the world, but one of the lowest crime
rates, showing an intervening variable exists in the theory. And that is culture:
one that accentuates the future-oriented values of work and thrift to keep
poverty rates low rather than the present-oriented values of immediate
gratification and conspicuous consumption, that features more helpful than
confrontational attitudes between police and the citizenry, and promotes the
idea that people need to work within societal systems with each other to try to
achieve individual goals that have collective benefits. And while the argument
could be made that the authoritarian history of its government encouraged this
(as it does in culturally-similar Hong Kong
today), it’s been two decades since Singapore transformed into a genuine
democracy.
This culture is close to nonexistent in communities in Louisiana that vastly
disproportionately supply prisoners. Instead, their immediate surroundings
provide only examples of individuals on the straight and narrow who put forth
unglamorous efforts for unremarkable rewards. Those who they deem wealthy and
successful who followed the same path exist in some disembodied reality understood
only through popular culture. All the others around them who appear to flash
wealth without perceived difficulty in attaining it did it outside the law.
So it’s heartbreaking to read of the young boy who dreams he’ll be a
rap star and his sister who fantasizes about being a model, and then of the
difficulty of adults who try to guide them into the mundane world of education
and achievement. You hope that these adults, who should be the role models for
these kids, can get them to understand the chosen roles models are
one-in-a-million who, even with great fortune, still needed hard work to become
pop culture superstars. You wonder why there’s such a disconnection with these
kids’ thinking to reality; why aren’t they dreaming about becoming a patrol
officer, or social worker, or church worker, or even steadily employed, as are the
few role models around them within the law, instead of these
get-rich-and-famous-quick people they do not know personally or of those they
do operate on the wrong side of the law?
That answer was above, culture, and the incentives government provides
to reinforce it or disabuse them of it. Unfortunately, federal government
policy for almost five decades has done a wretched job of distinguishing
between the deserving and undeserving poor, subsidizing too many of those who
don’t value work and thrift, and replicating those inferior attitudes across
generations, all in the name of some imaginary “oppression” coming from some
nonexistent bogeyman given catchy names such as “the man” (for some in these
neighborhoods, more specifically “the white man”), “Wall Street,” and, the
newest buzzword, “the one percent.”
Nor do the elected officials of one political party, enthralled in the
false promises of liberalism, seem inclined in any way to stop reinforcing the
culture of impoverishment in attitudes that lead to criminal behavior. When the
president, the symbolic head of Democrats, invests his office and reelection campaign
for it into the rhetoric of class
warfare, where “fairness” rather than maximizing the chances for all to
achieve to their abilities becomes the goal of public policy, it only signals
to those in these troubled communities that the system within the law is
unfair, rigged against them, and their only salvation is to entrust their fates
to saviors without putting in any effort on their own for some ill-defined,
distant reward, or to work on their own outside the system for riskier but more
tangible, greater, and immediate benefits.
1 comment:
Jeff is a total disgrace. The Times-Pic series highlighted some of the awful consequences of prison privatization, all of which Jeff wasn't even man enough to face down. Instead, he reaches for his everyday scapegoat. The reason the prison rates are astronomical are because of liberal values, which he stupidly defines in the most simplistic Glenn Beck terms. What garbage. Of course, if these imaginary liberal values were truly the cause, then why would Europe—who the likes of Jeff whine are socialist hellholes—have much lower incarceration rates? Jeff is a coward because he won't even address the meaningful, substantive issues raised in the TP series. He just shrieks about liberals. That's Jeff's solution to everything! Imagine that he teaches a class about how to address substantive issues in policy-making. To be clear, liberalism has nothing to do with what Jeff says it does. Only in red pits of stupidity like Shreveport are people obsessed with welfare and what Jeff stupidly calls "class warfare." Jeff is an embarrassment to the whole university.
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