Landry cannot avoid choice on tort reform

Republican Gov. Jeff Landry faces the biggest political test of his career, one that if he fails largely cancels his ambitions of becoming a transformative Louisiana chief executive, if not risks his reelection.

That is, how can he balance the interests of trial lawyers who contributed to his election against the greater part of those mainly responsible for that very election? It is a political problem that will require a political solution where one side has to win.

Landry tried to halve the baby at a recent news conference where he declared he had a “balanced” approach to tort reform. The issue increasingly has become supercharged in the state as it continues to have among the highest vehicle insurance rates among the states, with much higher rates compared to other states of similar size, urbanization, and with populations of equivalent socioeconomic status.

BC rottenness becoming harder to hide

As the Bossier City political insider world continues to crumble, what once could be sidestepped in darkness and silence increasing becomes blatant revealing the rottenness of the entire structure.

The legal ramifications of this worldview and attitude were on full display at the City Council meeting this week. The first hint came with an agenda item telling the world the Council would head into executive session to discuss what was called potential litigation. This is permissible under state public meetings law that shields content about a limited range of topics including legal and personnel actions.

The matters included city money spent on rehabilitation of parking lots supposedly damaged by construction on the nearby Walter O. Bigby Carriageway, but under questionable circumstances that reek of favoritism and cutting corners. More specifically, Republican Councilor David Montgomery had advocated publicly and vociferously for expensive roads work that could increase access to a single business – one owned by a longstanding friend of his who also has a close friendship with an employee in the city’s Public Works Department. Refurbishing and connecting the parking lot of that business, Scot’s Audio, to another, Bossier Power Equipment’s also rehabilitated, would accomplish that objective. Whether related, City Attorney Charles Jacobs, his assistant Richard Ray, and with the approval of Republican Mayor Tommy Chandler but without proper due diligence, authorized the work and in a way that may have violated public bid law.

Ganja, hemp bills to do little to kill LA's buzz

If you can’t keep Louisianans from getting high legally, maybe you can discourage them by taxing one form more, somelegislators hope.

Ever since the institution of medical marijuana in Louisiana almost a decade ago, and a few years later legalizing sale of consumable hemp products, it’s been easier than ever to go around in a haze without legal repercussions. In the case of medical marijuana, what started as a tightly-controlled regime somewhat based upon science that shows marijuana provides almost no genuine medical benefits of any kind has become a free-for-all where just about anybody can get as much as they want for whatever reason they want. The trend continued last year where a couple of new laws extended the program to 2030 and eased some administrative burdens, although at least lawmakers didn’t go for complete legalization.

Complete legalization, limited only in respect as being termed a “pilot program,” is back on the table this term from HB 627 by Democrat state Rep. Candice Newell, who brought the legalization effort last year. Should that succeed, Democrat state Rep. Edmond Jordan has HB 636 all cued up and ready to go to tax it, although applied not to the sellers but producers of the constituent parts.

Hopefully, these will go nowhere but for another hallucinogenic product it’s gone way beyond the camel poking its nose into the tent. After hemp production and sales legalization, lawmakers realized the way the law was written it could deliver products that deliver quite a buzz as well. Legislation passed last year tapped brakes onto the industry, forcing a toning down of potencies and restricting sales to fewer potential outlets and not to people under 21.

But the problem remained in that even if “servings” were quantified at a lower size and psychotropic level, with impunity adults can run out and buy as much as they want to bring about a high, although with more difficulty. Even though the state tax receipts from these items consist of only a few million bucks annually, the nascent industry’s lobbying arm has proven adept at keeping the enterprise legal (Louisiana’s level of regulation falls about in the middle of states; a few make it illegal while about half have it legal with little restriction, with the rest in between).

Thus, a couple of bills have been prefiled for the upcoming regular session that would jack up taxes on hemp-based sales as a disincentive for use. One, HB 235 by Republican state Rep. Mike Echols, would tack on an extra 17 percent excise tax with collected monies distributed to education, criminal justice, drug education, and hemp testing uses. The other, HB 187 by GOP state Rep. Bryan Fontenot, raises the existing three percent levy only 12 percent.

If legislators want to walk back hemp legalization while assuaging any guilt they might feel about allowing adults to walk into almost any kind of stores and grab enough products to buzz yet mouthing pieties about not hampering business but secretly looking for more revenue for general purposes, they might latch onto Fontenot’s bill. They also could approve a pair of bills by Republican state Rep. Laurie Schlegel that apply punitive measures to illegal sales.

But neither genie appears to be put back into the bottle, or at least realistically restricted in any way. Just not enough of the spirit of Daniel Schneider to go around the Capitol, it would seem.

TOPS bill must jettison lowest standards

More than just retain more higher education students in state, the Louisiana Legislature should expand on a bill to make the Taylor Opportunity Program for Students a true merit-based award.

TOPS guarantees that if a graduating high school senior in Louisiana achieves certain mediocre standards that the state will pay a substantial portion of higher education tuition. Until about a decade ago all tuition was covered, leaving only fees unsubsidized (although higher achievement above the lowest standards merited an additional stipend), but then the level was decoupled from tuition increases and a gap began to grow. For example, the present reimbursement of in-state non-accelerated program tuition at my institution leaves a gap of $283.68 or just over 5 percent for the annual 30 hours, not including $1,712.64 in other fees (this is for the basic Opportunity qualifier; higher ACT scores could push a qualifier into the Performance or Honors category where stipends of $400 or $800, respectively, are given).

The gaps, it is claimed, are part of the reason why a slow by sure decline in number of Louisiana graduates accepting TOPS awards. In response, Republican state Rep. Chris Turner has filed HB 77 that would increase the minimum award for each TOPS level that in many cases exceeds the highest tuition and fees now charged (there would be a few exceptions, such as those Louisiana State University makes to admit certain students that otherwise wouldn’t meet Board of Regents-defined standards, but many of the exceptions come in under other scholarship programs). It also would create a fourth category for the highest achievers, Excellence, with a larger bonus (keep in mind, however, that Honors winners wouldn’t even meet the admission standards at some flagship universities in other states, while Excellence winners would).

Make leftists pay for opposing fiscal reform

The irony is that at the precise time that Louisiana’s teachers have most demonstrated they deserve a pay raise they now are least likely to receive one, courtesy of the political left which in the past often backed that cause.

Leftists in the electorate did opposite of what they once preached when last month they voted down a constitutional amendment which would have made school districts grant the hike in perpetuity. Going against the wishes of teacher unions, leftist special interests managed to turn out enough electoral support to do this, although some distracted conservatives who lost sight of the forest for the trees aided them.

This happened even though more than ever teachers deserved a reward for the progress their students have made. In the past few years, Louisiana schools have sprinted up state educational rankings, which surely can be credited to improved teaching thus meriting higher future pay.

BC Council to navigate Bossier way challenges

At its next meeting, the Bossier City Council will begin facing the consequences of getting along and going along with the old Bossier way, but will have a chance as well to begin its repudiation, focused upon happenings in newly-reelected Republican Vince Maggio’s district.

City elections occurred as news broke about a questionable deal the city made with two property owners in Maggio’s district. At the Council meeting days before the election, Republican Councilor Brian Hammons queried as to why the city was giving each a new parking lot.

As this space previously had noted, the answer City Attorney Charles Jacobs gave, that supposedly the owners had threatened lawsuits over alleged damage from construction of the nearby Walter O. Bigby Carriageway, when investigated lacked credibility. Instead, available evidence suggested that public dollars were being spent to aid the private business of a friend since childhood of GOP Councilor David Montgomery, a conclusion also forwarded in a post at the news and entertainment web site SOBO.live. That media outlet put in a public records request to obtain exact documentation of the incident.

Low stimulus crucial to LA amendments' defeat

It’s time to settle the debate that has arisen about results concerning recent statewide constitutional amendments that failed, and we begin by reviewing a major contributing factor to their defeat by nearly 2:1.

On paper, the most persuasive interpretation would be the results mainly are an artifact of structural turnout patterns. For decades, as the major political parties have become increasingly ideologically pure and polarized, the effect first observed half a century ago of the top-bottom nature of Democrats – support shaped like a barbell wider at the top of the socioeconomic scale, thinner in the middle, and again expanded at the bottom – and the toy top nature of Republican support – thinner at the top and bottom of SES, thick in the middle – has given way to a more defined inversion of the class system insofar as political parties go.

Increasingly, this reordering where now support for Democrats resembles more an inverted pyramid and Republican identifiers shape into a standard wine bottle has implications for election turnout. In the middle of the 20^th century observers believed higher-turnout elections favored Democrats, since less-reliable voters disproportionately had lower SES characteristics who in turn disproportionately voted for Democrats, but as the inversion began to accelerate (because of the emergence of the affluent society after World War II that brought a different issue mix in elections to the fore) that tendency disappeared.

Cast critical eye on opposing less govt spending

Already the narrative is being pounded home by leftist-sympathetic traditional media that suppressing federal government spending will prove as cataclysmic to America as Ramses’ stubbornness did to Mosaic Egypt. Don’t buy it, as illustrated in a case in Louisiana.

Recently, the Acadiana Advocate delivered a story about the impact of reduced federal spending on farm subsidies. In particular, it lamented projected cuts to U.S. Department of Agriculture programs that help food banks and schools purchase food from small local farmers.

It agonized a bit over the lost income this market distortion would cause farmers, but the main problem it conveyed was the distribution of free or subsidized food would be attenuated. Individuals associated with food banks and similar organizations were reported wringing their hands over the possibility of increased “food insecurity,” which allegedly a seventh of Louisianans suffered.

Election reformist tide swamps BC insiders

The clean sweep starting in 2021 of Bossier City elected majoritarian branch officials that was completed last week also resulted in a near clean sweep of Bossier political insiders in favor of reformers, the latest city elections produced.

Exactly four years ago the city was being run by a mayor with 16 years in office and a set of city councilors who had among them 127 years of service. Come Jul. 1, it will have a mayor of 4 years in and combined service among councilors of just 12 years. None will have been in office more than four years.

Moreover, this rolling revolution will put a majority of reformers outside of the current political establishment in charge of the Council, a first in the city’s history. In their rookie terms, both Republicans Chris Smith and Brian Hammons left no doubt as to their reformist chops. They will be joined the GOP’s Cliff Smith, who through his activities as a concerned citizen left no doubt of that status.

Try again with fiscal reform minus bad timing

The constitutional amendment that rewrote the fiscal portion of Louisiana’s Constitution failed primarily because of a tactical error made by Republican Gov. Jeff Landry and his legislative allies.

This amendment, #2, sunk last weekend with only 35 percent of the vote on 21.3 percent turnout. The key to understanding why and how this translates into the blunder is in who was activated to vote against it.

Much was made of some conservative opposition to it, but the size of the loss is the first indication that this didn’t have much to do with the result. Picking up on a Trojan Horse meme circulated by the left designed to ensnare them, these individuals put their thinking caps aside and shunned the pro-growth, smaller government aspects of the reforms in favor of panicked long-shot interpretations that passage meant the state would tax churches out of existence. However, only had the result been a much closer loss would they have made the difference.

On election eve, Bossier way rears its ugly head

On the eve of city elections, controversy erupted at this week’s City Council meeting that displayed graphically the old Bossier political way, a mixture of electoral, transactional, and crony politics possibly involving corruption and certainly advertising for change from it via the upcoming electoral exercise.

Perhaps any or all of Republican Mayor Tommy Chandler, City Atty. Charles Jacobs, Asst. City Atty. Richard Ray (if watching the proceedings from afar), and nominal City Engineer Ben Rauschenbach had a sinking feeling when, during the meeting after GOP Councilor Brian Hammons had brought Rauschenbach to the podium for questioning about an agenda item, Hammons said he had an unrelated matter on which to query him. Hammons, whose day job is in building, then described a scenario where business owners were asking him about, and even petitioning for, the city reconstructing parking lots for private businesses – a matter they claimed the city had performed and one that never came before the Council for approval. He asked Rauschenbach what he knew of it.

The Waggoner Engineering employee, who by virtue of the firm’s contract with the city serves as its engineering chief, usually has information about projects and their costs at his fingertips. But this time he said he would defer to Jacobs or Ray to explain. Jacobs was present, and what ensued should be presented verbatim:

Landry finally defeats "baantjies vir boeties"

Last week, Republican Gov. Jeff Landry completed the inevitable defeat of baantjies vir boeties, making a bad but unfortunately necessary policy less obnoxious while telling special interests and courthouse gangs to go pound sand.

Baantjies vir boeties – “jobs for the boys” – was an expression heard in the old Republic of South Africa during the reign of the National Party up until majority rule came about in 1994. The instituters of apartheid pursued this strategy to keep white support from erosion by moderate-to-radical competitors focusing on economic class concerns that could distract from its racial politics message, doing so through heavy government regulation and spending to provide employment in both the public and private sectors. (Many other polities had ruling regimes that promised the same, but the old RSA example was the starkest in its brazenness.)

The same tactic, in the same sense that it was to use government power to reward supporters with jobs and other concessions, Democrat former Gov. John Bel Edwards foisted upon Louisiana when he stipulated changes to the Industrial Tax Exemption Program. This procedure had allowed a new concern a partial-to-total break from property taxes for up to a decade. The state’s Board of Commerce and Industry – mostly gubernatorial appointees and the rest being elected or appointed officials including a designee of the governor – rules on these with the governor having a veto power. Thus, a governor basically can dictate the parameters by which breaks are given.

Obtuse LA public defense board unnecessary

If this slovenliness is what we get from Louisiana’s Public Defender Oversight Board, policy-makers might as well chuck the whole thing.

Earlier this year, State Public Defender Remy Starns declared he wouldn’t renew the contracts of five of the state’s 35 district defenders. Perhaps not coincidentally, the five argued against a pay plan Starns had brought to the board last year that ultimately in the main was not accepted, which would have cut their salaries.

As a result of legislation last year, the Board underwent a name and function change. The changes took it away from an active management role and more towards the word added to its appellation, “oversight.” It did retain the power to oversee finances to the point to have power over financing decisions as under existing contracts.

Bill provides redress for subsidized bad policy

A bill the Louisiana Legislature will consider during this spring’s regular session would redress bad federal government policy that diverts use of lands within the state to low priority purposes.

HB 4 by Republican state Rep. Chuck Owen would allow individual parishes to have a final say over carbon capture sequestration within their boundaries, subject to a popular veto. The governing authority may disapprove of a sequestration siting, but if it approves a referendum may be called by 15 percent of registered voters to hold a vote disapproving. Either way, local interests will determine whether such projects get built.

That’s as it should be, because of the bias built into the tax code that is the only thing, other than ideologically-based faith, that prompts any building of these facilities placed underground to store carbon produced in industrial or consumer surroundings. Understanding the interlocked nature of the process explains where Louisiana is and why the law is beneficial.

Carbon capture, in varying forms from attendant to some industrial process that produces carbon dioxide to grabbing it from ambient as a byproduct of things such as vehicle exhaust, is the idea that removing it from the atmosphere somehow conveys useful benefits to society. Ignoring the fact that increased levels of carbon dioxide bring a number of economic and social benefits to humans, climate alarmists of a pragmatic streak have seized upon the idea as a way of having fossil fuel use – which is forecast to continue to increase countering an energy transition that never will happen that both climate alarmist pragmatists and ideologues fail to understand – along with renewable use that will solve the intractable problems for the foreseeable future of renewable source characteristics of intermittency and prohibitive expense.

The problem is capture itself is prohibitively expensive, and even with generous federal government subsidies the only activity close to break-even is capture from a manufacturing process. That’s the expensive and entirely cost-ineffective side of the equation, which nevertheless is pursued because there are some commercial applications for it and/or an ideological imperative exists that it is one avenue to prevent the mythical catastrophic anthropogenic global warning scenario that exists as an article of faith among alarmists but which at present exists without any quality scientific basis to it. Unfortunately, these fanatics make a lot of noise and cow business into pursuing these kinds of wasteful projects.

So, it’s the other end of it, storage, where money could be made at the individual level and where Louisiana landowners become disproportionately advantaged given both the state’s geology and topography and the concentration of industries producing carbon and pipelines to transport it. But it has a different set of potential costs around how transport or storage leakage can have severe environmental and public health effects. In other words, the economic advantages of it to a community well may be outweighed by the low-probability but extremely high-cost disadvantages, and as there’s no climate emergency in the offing, communities that bear the risk of these disadvantages ought to have every say possible in whether they must submit to this.

Louisiana, for now among just four other states, has complete control over permits for wells that lead to storage capacity. But it has no control over federal tax credits that are driving this misallocation of resources that distort the marketplace into throwing money around for far more storage than the unsubsidized market would bear. That could change through the budget reconciliation process, by restoring much tougher eligibility requirements, reducing the value, and removing the refundability of it, but with the GOP having slim congressional majorities that doesn’t seem likely for now.

While government generally should be prevented from interfering with voluntary transactions between private parties, that its thumb already is on the scales in this instance justifies the exception with this bill. Hysteria at its root doesn’t make for good policy, and the bill at least partially corrects for that. 

Monroe council budget alterations unwise

A Monroe City Council majority seems determined to launch a risky pay raise plan and apportion more funds to a special district with a checkered recent history, contrary to independent Mayor Friday Ellis’ fiscal year 2026 budget.

In a special meeting, the Council proposed a number of changes to the Ellis plan. Most were incremental in nature in keeping with the roughly $72 million ceiling, but a couple stood out as significant.

One shoveled $323,000 more into salary increases for city employees. The Council majority of Democrats Rodney McFarland, Verbon Muhammad, and Juanita Woods previously had expressed a desire to attempt some kind of permanent pay hike.

Prudent to overkill marks BC incumbent spending

In Bossier City Council elections, one incumbent seeks balance in utilizing campaign resources while another relies on his decades in office rather than dollars, yet the remaining other tries to shatter all spending records (which are his), reflecting both political realities and candidate personalities.

Of these three incumbents, Republican Councilor Chris Smith has conducted the kind of campaign most typically seen, according to campaign finance reports filed through Mar. 9 activity. He has spent – as an at-large candidate, the total amounts usually would be somewhat higher than for running in a district – with emphasis on eye-level media and digital contacting.

Actually, relative to the size of his constituency, his campaign hasn’t spent all that much, just over $10,000 in 2025, leaving him with over $20,000. His fundraising is an eclectic mixture of city political insiders, such as City Attorney Charles Jacobs (who opposed him in a lawsuit over the Council’s refusal to follow the city charter that Smith joined to see that the Charter was followed), large contractors of the city such as Waggoner Engineering and Live Oak Environmental Services, and reformers.

LA Democrats facing long-term minority status

Louisiana Democrats will find themselves in an even deeper hole if national trends rippling down to the state and parish level continue apace.

Late last year, the U.S. Census Bureau released state population estimates. Earlier this month, it released county population estimates. For Louisiana, in an absolute sense it was mixed bag, but in a relative sense overall positive.

The state gained population to have the most since 2021, at a slower rate than most other states, but the first half-year of Republican Gov. Jeff Landry’s tenure certainly improved over the eight years of Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards when the state lost over 100,00 folks, tempered by the fact that there was a net loss of U.S. citizens but that was offset by more non-citizens in residence, whether legally.

Now started, LA should clear quickly death row

Louisiana leaders must recognize the struggle they have invited with anti-capital punishment ideologues that wish to cancel democratically-made policy, and how to win it.

For many years, politics prevented the state from carrying out executions, by political pressure zealots put on suppliers of chemicals used for the lethal injection method, the only method allowed in recent decades until last year, and the presence of Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards, who for political reasons refused to admit he was one of those zealots until late in his second term and would stand in the way of legal changes to add (in the case of electrocution, add back) methods to executions.

But the elections of 2023 and principally Republican Gov. Jeff Landry capturing the office broke the logjam, and last year electrocution and nitrogen hypoxia became legal methods. After a few months to set up an entirely constitutional protocol – reaffirmed days ago – regarding hypoxia, the state announced it was back in the justice business and started to queue up executions, beginning with Jesse Hoffman who has been sitting on death row for 27 years.

Resoluteness on executions needed to save lives

Perhaps by the time you read this Louisiana will have seen through its first implementation of capital punishment in 15 years. As opposition to it finds expression through those ideologically opposed to it, through sympathetic media, as well as those caught up oversimplifying the issue, keep in mind that this opposition may not care about whether justice is served or whether it behaves ethically, as to them any means justifies the ends of stopping executions.

Waiting in death’s wings is Jesse Hoffman, Jr., whose gruesome kidnapping, rape and murder of Mary “Molly” Elliott earned him a capital sentence nearly three decades ago. He has remained on death row for so long because Louisiana law didn’t permit executions other than through lethal injection, and ideological activists had scared of companies from making available the chemicals to accomplish this, until the state added nitrogen hypoxia as a method.

The usual suspects have tried to stop or delay his Mar. 18 fate with the mask. Likely a number of them are principled opponents who don’t know or for whatever psychic reason ignore that having capital punishment, with carefully investigated cases of those who with extreme malice aforethought killed somebody, consistently applied saves lives. The problem is, they may not be driving the anti-execution train that puts justice aside to promote personal or ideological reasons.

Monroe should seek efficiencies, not tax hikes

Maybe Monroe policy-makers should think outside the box if they want to reduce the city’s operation on a fiscal knife-edge and provide pay raises for city employees without hitting up taxpayers for more dough.

At the last City Council meeting, which appended a budget hearing onto it, some councilors expressed a desire to see annual salary increases, perhaps at the 2.5 percent level, for city employees. Some also wanted more money for recreation facilities. The problem is there’s no money for any of this.

The proposed fiscal year 2026 budget showed overall about a $2 million or three percent revenue boost in the general fund that pays for most city operating activities. Raises for those functions at the desired level would gobble up more than half of that increase, as salaries, wages, and benefits comprised 69 percent of the FY 2025 budget spending. Indeed, 70 percent of that increase was going to public safety which consumes 40 percent of city spending, meaning this function would bear the brunt of any redirection of revenues at current levels.

Panic must not lead to opposing good amendment

Ludwig von Mises coined the term “useful innocents” – later transformed by others into a less -charitable term “useful idiots” – to describe those who he saw as “confused and misguided sympathizers” of communism. While that ideology isn’t in play over Amendment 2 to Louisiana’s Constitution appearing on the Mar. 29 ballot, certainly the term applies as the political left has found allies on the right to help it do it dirty work in trying to vote down the measure that would transform fundamentally for the better the state’s fiscal system.

The left has pursued a two-prong strategy to this end. One involves an attack over procedural measures surrounding the amendment’s placing on the ballot (as well as with two others). Upon inspection, its attempt is quite wanting and the judiciary unlikely will find merit in it, but as a by-product of the suit to invalidate the ballot placement as a result the ensuing publicity is designed to sow doubt in the minds of those who, upon analysis of its claims, should know better.

The other is a campaign to convince normally sober supporters of religious activity of a fantastic plot to strip from the property of religious organizations not exclusively used for religious purposes ad valorem tax exemptions, merely by the move through Amendment 2 of such exemptions from the Constitution into statute. The change is part of strategy of removing from the document things that are absolutely not necessarily part of a bedrock assessment of guiding principles behind it – in this case, that imperative being that religious activity should be supported by the state in prohibiting local governments (and, technically, the state as the Constitution empowers it to levy a statewide property tax of up to 5.75 mills, but it never has done so) from taxing property unequivocally part of a religious mission – into statute, if only to reduce the outsized and overly-specific nature of the document as it stands.

Five years on, LA learned hard pandemic lessons

And so it started five years ago today, unwise actions by Democrat former Gov. John Bel Edwards that, as a saving grace at least, established – at a high and unnecessary cost – a knowledge bank from which to work in the future and triggered some beneficial changes to state policies.

The Wuhan coronavirus pandemic had launched in all ways but name, becoming noticeable in several of the largest cities in the country but also in New Orleans. Credit Carnival, which had ended almost three weeks earlier, as the device that brought it hot and heavily into the state. So, on Mar. 13, 2020, Edwards issued the first of a string of proclamations under his statutory powers – then heavily favoring unilateral gubernatorial action – significantly curtailing personal and economic freedoms of individuals.

Perhaps he could be forgiven in the early, uncertain days of the pandemic for such a reaction, and the prevailing ethos was that stopping most everything for a couple of weeks would knock the virus down in its tracks. But the problem became a mutation of that ethos into creating close to attaining a zero-risk “zero Covid” environment requiring the heavy hand of the state that, even that early on, preceptive policy-makers realized was impossible and that the costs would be staggeringly high even to achieve mild and incomplete effectiveness towards that goal.

Speed camera rules in LA still need tightening

An action that increasingly has become mistaken the Shreveport City Council, with Republican Mayor Tom Arceneaux’s blessing, seems set to expand, knocking on to Caddo Parish’s foray into it – begging further legislative intervention.

A few years ago, the city installed traffic control cameras around school zones where speed limits would change. The rationale given was safety, but that always is the last refuge of scoundrels when dealing with these instruments around speed limit changes and lighted intersections. Rather than setting up a whole camera infrastructure, sworn law enforcement officers can hold monitors and save a government thousands or even millions of dollars in forgone equipment, maintenance, and operating fees.

Instead, despite their bleating otherwise, it’s all about money. That’s why Shreveport has put up with plenty of controversy about defective operations and phantom offenses to continue the initiative – some two to three million bucks a year in revenue over expenses through last year. So much so now Caddo Parish will join in as the city looks to place more cameras on roads the contractor Blue Line Solutions reaping business from the city to operate the cameras claims have a high propensity for speeding on them.

Left whips up fear in attempt to scuttle revamp

Attempts to derail Amendment 2 on Louisiana’s March 29 ballot come in two types: as previously mentioned a disingenuous legal strategy, but also a more principled opposition yet which fails on the merits – where the former tries to scare the latter into agreement.

One dubious approach tries to have the entire measure thrown off the ballot for alleged infractions. Soon to be put to the test in court, those behind it as well as supporters of the effort inhabit the political left which wants to see the measure fail by any means possible as it offends their ideological sensibilities; i.e. it makes expansive government for redistributive purposes more difficult by, in the main, granting income tax relief to middle-class filers and above and makes it easier to cut out favoritism in the tax code.

However, another more thoughtful tack against focuses on the amendment’s paring of tax exceptions in the Constitution. The thinking is not only would this make for a less-unwieldy document but also create greater flexibility to change out of items that may have protection today which in the future may be determined to make less sense as exceptions and then can be altered or abandoned more easily.

Vote affirmative on consequential LA amendments

All four, including the most consequential in decades, amendments to the Louisiana Constitution on the Mar. 29 ballot deserve voter approval. Let’s see why.

#1 – would clarify disciplining of out-of-state lawyers and creation of multi-parish specialty courts. Essentially, a loophole exists that inhibits disciplining this cohort for some matters, which the change would close. Specialty courts, existing presently in areas such as drug cases, family matters, and for veterans, are confined to the 64 parishes or 42 judicial districts. Proponents say a regional approach could help in matters such as these and for potentially new kinds of courts, such as a business court seen in the majority of states. This would have the disadvantage of adding more elected judges in a state that seats a surplus of judges, but on the whole there are more plusses than minuses. YES.

#2 – would reduce the maximum rate of income tax, double income tax deductions for residents age 65 or older, slow down a governmental growth limit, merge significant constitutional funds while moving lesser ones into statute, give parishes more severance tax dollars, provide incentive to prevent state taxpayers from subsidizing local taxpayers, move some tax breaks into statute, and prompt a salary increase for teachers while paring unfunded mandates, among other items. Lengthy and complex, it serves as the linchpin to fiscal reforms enacted by the Legislature last year.

Bin unserious proposed NIL tax break bill

A bill contemplated by Republican state Rep. Dixon McMakin makes no fiscal sense and only subverts the purpose of higher education in Louisiana.

The bill in concept would exempt from state income tax earnings that college students receive from Name, Image, and Likeness deals in athletics. Individuals may negotiate these or another organization, such as a school, may do so on behalf of all its eligible students.

Dollar figures for these are generally not public, and they can be substantial. Publicized have been deals by Louisiana State University gymnast Livvy Dunne who, despite modest athletic credentials, has one of the most lucrative set of NIL deals due to her superior marketing skills, estimated in the neighborhood of at least $4 million annually. Regardless, given the state’s income tax rates, such an exemption may not even cost the state eight figures annually.

GOP Medicaid reform to benefit LA disabled

Rather than trepidation, the most health-vulnerable Louisianans should feel elation that the Republican Congress is talking about changing Medicaid reimbursement rules for states.

As part of federal government right-sizing discussions, the House of Representatives GOP majority has set as a goal a reduction of $880 billion over the next decades in costs that include Medicaid. Even factoring out non-Medicaid expenditures and well as waste reduction – and anybody who has worked through the Medicaid-financed system knows there is a formidable amount of it – the total dollar amount the federal government would have to spend on Medicaid would have to decrease to meet this goal.

In tandem, the majority has discussed making Medicaid subject to block grants. This would give states greater latitude over how funds designated for Medicaid could be spent in fulfilling its purposes, allowing them to better target highly-needy individuals rather than disproportionate spending on those less so or in no real need.

Bill could help discourage scofflaw landlords

Insofar as the upcoming 2025 regular session of the Louisiana Legislature and dealing with scofflaw apartment complex owners (and somewhat stealing from the “Mad Max” franchise), two bills enter, one bill leaves.

An issue that primarily has popped up in Shreveport involves apartment complex owners not paying water bills to the city and no real means to force them to do so. This leaves the city with the Hobson’s choice of tolerating it or cutting it off that then puts residents in a bind. Residents supposedly have an approximation of their water bills rolled into rent, as the complexes have a single line paid wholly which then splits off into individual units. But even though most occupants pay their rent, owners at several complexes haven’t remitted their due to the city for months.

The city has trouble collecting as ownership arrangements under law don’t present a responsible entity from which the city readily can collect. The complexes in question are older, lower-income residential in nature where the owners, because the properties aren’t worth much, bleed them as much as they can. Also some such properties the city has had declared derelict, with others otherwise habitable it has tolerated leaving water on a few hours a day so as not to make the situation of the residents paying in good faith untenable.

Just say no, in triplicate, to BC amendments

The best reason for Bossier Citians to vote down all three charter amendments on Mar. 29 is not so much what they do but what they don’t do.

Two of the three introduce relaxed term limit proposals, that only would permit three consecutive terms for city councilors and the mayor but leave open the chance that an elected official could return to a previous office after at least one term out. Products of a Charter Review Commission whose final membership was comprised of appointees of city councilors hostile to term limits and their appointees, in isolation these offerings are unobjectionable, but they don’t exist in isolation.

Because on May 3, another, more stringent, term limits amendment hits the ballot. This one is three terms lifetime and retroactive, product of a citizen-led petition process and the superior version if the goal is to prevent citizen-politicians from being captured by government.

Monroe school district unable to get it together

As if City of Monroe Schools didn’t have enough problems, apparent thievery at the top is being complemented it would seem from the bottom as well, all the while with the district saddled with minimal, even deteriorating, academic progress.

In the past year, the District has been rocked by allegations that former Superintendent Brent Vidrine on two occasions defrauded it. As part of his contract, he was allowed to buy more service time for retirement, but allegedly he forged documents to show he paid more than he did to receive the benefit. He has been indicted for this, but has paid back some, $20,000, and retired from the District last year even as he seemed to have shorted the district over $48,000 more. Still unresolved is annual extra but unauthorized payments according to his contracts totaling over $141,000 during his decade-long employment.

Possibly this activity was so under the radar that the Monroe City School Board couldn’t discover it during normal due diligence. In last year’s audit, the Board promised closer attention to superintendent reimbursement as a response. But how it has handled reports of spending concerning student activity accounts doesn’t exactly inspire confidence that the current Board can get it right.

Wise to remove diversity from LA teacher grants

In the final analysis, Republican Pres. Donald Trump’s decision to end educational grants that give a role to intentional diversification of the teaching profession can provide Louisiana with the chance to improve its training of future teachers.

Expressions of concern, if not outright apoplexy, ensued when the Trump Administration notified it would end hundreds of millions of dollars of grants that had components designed to give preference to racial minorities in teacher training. In Louisiana, under the Teacher Quality Partnerships Program it would appear three grantees with about $13 million in remaining budget authority were affected, and under Supporting Effective Educator Development grants it would appear one grant with $3 million in budget authority remaining was affected. All explicitly set as a goal preference to serving minority applicants in order to create a more racially diverse teacher workforce.

Complaints came from those involved in the grants as well as special interests who benefited from them, decrying the move as damaging to teacher recruitment generally but in particular towards creating a more racially diverse educator workforce. Yet the facts show such hand-wringing as misplaced.

BC blowing fuse over unneeded car chargers

So, what part of “waste of money” do Republican Bossier City Mayor Tommy Chandler and the City Council not understand?

City taxpayers may be excused for thinking the city wasn’t going to pursue a project it actually first contemplated in 2018, and got the official award for in 2021 – two fast charging electric vehicle outlets. This comes from a court settlement where Volkswagen promised to pay up for surreptitiously selling vehicles able to dodge emissions standards. The consent decree allows states and Indian tribes and Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia to solicit money from a trust fund for projects that reduce nitrogen oxides emitted from vehicles.

Each state came up with plans detailing eligible usages. A common usage in Louisiana’s has been conversion of older school buses from diesel to something else. In fact, among several local education agencies the Bossier Parish School District won just such an award in 2020 to replace 25 such 2009-or-older buses with new ones powered by propane with the grant picking up half the tab. This meant the BPSD could purchase newer replacements at less than market rate, a potential savings in the million-dollar range. The district did have to fund to install a propane filling unit at its bus barn and it’s unknown whether the fuel and maintenance costs of these buses are higher or lower than for the remainder of the diesel-run fleet.

Right-sizing LA govt means less local govt aid

Part of Republican Gov. Jeff Landry’s fiscal reform attempts to right-size Louisiana government must include assigning spending to its appropriate level of subsidiarity, a recent controversy reveals.

Last week, when Landry had introduced the fiscal year 2026 budget, concern arose over removal of a $7 million appropriation to distribute grants to domestic violence shelters. Befitting current revenue estimates, Landry wanted to produce a budget essentially at standstill, which meant forgoing almost all temporary items from last year.

This included that line item, tucked away in the FY 2025 supplemental appropriation bill and replicating from the previous year. Direct state appropriations happen only sporadically, with the last prior to FY 2024-25 being in 2018. Note that a dedicated funding source exists – self-generated revenues from one half of the fee charged for marriage licenses, and from civil fees charged to persons filing any suit or proceeding for divorce, annulment of marriage, or establishment or disavowal of the paternity of children – but this generates less than half a million bucks a year for general domestic violence mitigation.

BC has chance to cure herpetic outlay request

A Bossier City Council on the verge of its biggest shakeup in nearly a quarter-century may tell at its next meeting, after a promising sign at its previous gathering, whether it finally has renounced its free-spending, money-wasting ways.

This week, the Council will consider its annual five-year Capital Outlay Budget. While the plan may be altered at any time, it gives an idea of city priorities for infrastructure over the next half-decade.

As an example of how the city may pivot, earlier this month it considered plunking down front money, plus a small amount for contingencies, of $80,000 to install two electric vehicle charging stations on the top deck of the Louisiana Boardwalk parking garage it built two decades ago as a gift to developers. This stemmed from the federal government’s Volkswagen Environmental Mitigation Trust Fund program that would pay for purchase and installation of light duty direct current fast charging (“level 3” or about 20 to 60 minutes for a full charge) chargers according to a state plan, which in Louisiana means along various corridors located within a close distance of a high-speed roadway, or in Bossier City’s case Interstate 20. A survey of available power infrastructure led to this particular siting.

Landry must resist warping of standstill budget

As currently constituted, Republican Gov. Jeff Landry’s most pressing budget task will be to resist government-as-usual to continue right-sizing state government and to fund priorities that improve quality of life within Louisiana.

When introduced last week described as a “standstill” budget, spending rises less than one percent. However, that masks a lot of change, principally from two sources: the disappearance of pandemic-related grants and one-time spending attached to that but countered by continuation of escalating health care costs triggered by Medicaid expansion almost a decade ago. In all, while state means of finance fall two percent, a federal funds increase of around 3.5 percent more than offsets that to increase the total adjusted budget a few hundred million to $45 billion.

Lesser movement comes from shifting priorities. Not surprisingly, health care continues to vacuuming up more dollars, although there were a couple of novel situations. A decline in collections from motor vehicles and from state lands produced more demands on the general fund. On the spending side, juvenile justice and child welfare matters receive a boost, as does general public safety. And, contrary to claims made by advocates of committing to increasing food aid in the summer with federal dollars that this wouldn’t cost the state, the budget had to include extra state dollars to cover that.

Removing Lewis for bad judgment appropriate

And this is why the political left is out of power in Washington and can’t win an election in most parts of Louisiana – intellectual poverty behind its argumentation seen as such by enough voters who demand better.

At its last meeting, the Louisiana Public Service Commission stripped Democrat Davante Lewis of his vice chairmanship for remarks made over social media. The job, which Lewis had assumed only at the year’s beginning, carries little weight and basically gives its holder the power to run meetings in the absence of the chairman.

Lewis precociously had been put into the job after just two years as a commissioner at the request of the year’s chairman, Republican Mike Francis, out of a spirit of bipartisanship he said. Francis then moved to remove Lewis upon learning of the remarks, and following partisan lines by a 3-2 vote Lewis was dumped.

Bossier should trim burdens, let market decide

Tax increase? Pull up the ladder? More sensible regulation? Do nothing? The Bossier Parish Police Jury still can’t make up its mind about dealing with something it can’t make up its mind about whether it’s a problem demanding swift, if not far-reaching action.

That sums up a public meeting the Jury called this week, followed on by its regular meeting where it addressed whether to continue a residential building moratorium roughly in the northern part of the parish (in the areas in which it has jurisdiction, or outside of municipalities). The halt first was triggered, over a somewhat larger area, last year after the inventory of permits given for builders had spiraled well into the thousands. In fact, in the current area the estimated number of lots proposed has hit about 5,000, and thousands more exist outside it, mainly in the Haughton area.

The moratorium doesn’t affect the ability of those builders with permits to construct on that land as long as they put down the required infrastructure. Bossier Parish operates on an impact fee regime, so that builders must pay for the infrastructure additions as specified in its building code. Moreover, the moratorium on new permits only affects residential units; commercial and other zones remain unaffected.

Leftist heave to thwart fiscal reform should fail

You knew the Hail Mary pass was coming from the vested interests that want to thwart Louisiana’s attempt at fiscal reform, and here it is.

This week, a law firm in the past associated with supporting far left-wing political candidacies filed suit to try to kick off Amendment 2 from the March ballot. That came to be from Act 1 of the Third Extraordinary Session of the Louisiana Legislature, which passed unanimously in the Senate and with only a few dissenting votes from hard left Democrats in the House.

Leftist extremists oppose the amendment because it reduces taxation on investment and productive activity but raises it on consumption and enhances conditions to right-size state government. That means lower income individuals probably would be more likely to experience an overall tax increase than would higher income individuals, or would see a smaller tax decrease. It also makes more likely curtailment of discretionary transfer payments from government, whether to individuals or groupings of them such as nonprofit organizations, whether in recurring or one-time form.

Case telling more about media, higher education

As the saga of the disposition of the neurotic Louisiana State University law professor continues to drag out, it tells us more about the media and higher education than the actual demerits of the subject in question.

That guy ensconced at the Paul M. Hebert School of Law, Ken Levy, almost a month ago found himself suspended from teaching duties because of some unfortunate remarks of his. Besides insulting a politician or two in a semester-beginning lecture, he also managed to convey the impression that students with different political sensibilities than his needed reeducation that could begin with grading them on that criterion and that he could toss them into the hoosegow if they dared record his lectures (the complex legal question aside, he had no such authority), citing controversy that percolated from somewhat less openly jaundiced recorded remarks by one of his colleagues.

After retaining counsel, Levy alleged his remarks were in jest, which he appeared to mean served as a prophylactic against any unprofessional offense. To which I say, pulling out the old as-I’ve-been-teaching-in-higher-education-nearly-four-decades card, even if joking around it was unprofessional enough to warrant not just his suspension, but dismissal. You don’t even need four decades, not even four minutes, as a higher education instructor to know you don’t levy, even if a joking fashion, threats against assignment of a course grade that don’t have a direct relationship to a student’s demonstration of course mastery. Simply, too much is at stake for a student when it comes to a grade, where even a letter grade difference could mean the difference between staying in or out of school, retaining or not retaining financial aid, eligibility for job recruitment possibilities, and the like.

That noted, since his initial suspension in the course of legal hearings to ascertain whether LSU legally suspended him with pay, even more evidence has surfaced about his competency to teach effectively, in the form of a test question that in previous centuries might be referred to as bawdy. Briefly, the question graphically set up a scenario where students had to determine whether criminal behavior had occurred involving copulation with a jack-o-lantern, followed by recording and disseminating sexual abuse of minors, and with a direct insult to Republicans thrown in.

Demonstrating yet again that sophistry and irrelevancy often rise to the top in legal argumentation and decision-making, his mouthpiece argued nothing was wrong with the material in the question because a lawyer potentially could run into all of this in the profession, to which the judge assented in ruling Levy back into the classroom. A day later, the First Circuit Court of Appeals vetoed that.

Note the red herring shift in force here. The issue isn’t that students may encounter cases involving sexually-oriented criminal behavior, but in the presentation of these kinds of cases by the question material demonstrates a behavior sanctionable by the university. Keep in mind the idea of the university (to paraphrase John Henry Cardinal Newman) is to enlarge and illuminate the mind to view many things at once. But you can’t do that if you alienate your audience from the start by appealing to vulgarity (mistaken for cleverness) and insults (mistaken for virtue signaling).

All too often these days academia ends up the refuge of those who use instruction as a kind of therapy, to allow modes of behavior dressed in the trappings of teaching, making the classroom a playground for indulging in the instructor’s psychological insecurities. For example, undoubtedly one can write a question that more clinically and less floridly, and without partisan slurs (that have nothing to do with the subject), makes the same inquiries. You would want to do that because a more salacious rendering distracts some students of more delicate sensibilities while the political insult distracts others of that partisan stripe. Your job is to help students to learn and express that learning, not to throw up impediments via shock and provocation.

Why would an instructor do this? (For readers with college experience, think about these archetypes you may have encountered in the course of your studies.) Maybe he fancies himself a rebel who believes untraditional discourse signifies he is more creative and imaginative than the herd. Or sees himself as a provocateur who to change academia must thumb his nose at it through attention-grabbing rhetoric and actions. Or maybe he views himself as an academic Übermensch, to whom the rules don’t apply and he can take this power trip that disparages the beliefs of many of his students with impunity. Or perhaps he conceives of himself as the “cool” professor, who imagines such discourse increases his popularity among the students as it has him climb down from the ivory tower to become more relatable to their supposedly more earthy lives. There are others unrelated to the conceit that lies behind those so far explicated, even less salutary, that deal with neuroses.

The point is posturing in these forms detracts from effective teaching. And when these have the effect of denigrating students for reasons beyond academic performance, if not creating a hostile learning environment, that is something for which a university can bounce from its hallowed halls even a tenured professor.

Yet reading much of the media coverage of this protracted case frames it in free expression terms that in reality don’t form the basis for his suspension, implying if not asserting that LSU is trying to punish the cretin for his political opinions, which included in class vulgar exhortations about conservative elected officials. Some, like the Baton Rouge Advocate, at least mention that LSU’s disciplinary attempts involve comportment, while other like the far left-funded Louisiana Illuminator web site entirely and dishonestly ignores the basis for LSU’s action. This all is done as a method to advance a false narrative that somehow the rise of conservative elected officials that now dominate Louisiana government and hold majorities in the federal government threatens free expression and cows what should be the bastions of that, higher education.

Quite the opposite. For this guy is but the tip of the iceberg. His insecurities may have been such that he too openly and stupidly displayed them, but there are plenty of others more circumspect populating academia, both in Louisiana and across the nation. And as academia has sympathy for their political views, ordinarily it won’t bother with them no matter how much they may invest in indoctrination instead of (see Newman above) education. This creates an echo chamber of orthodoxy that experiences excavation only when its excesses become illuminated to the larger world, which introduces the real heroes of it all, the students whose recording and revelation of class materials exposed the poverty of Levy’s approach to instruction. It takes courage to enter into conflict with a guy who holds tremendous power over your future, and that is fortified by knowing in government you have elected officials that will hear you out and will apply pressure for a fair resolution of the conflict. Knowing that greater capacity exists to expose idiocy in the classroom has the effect of exposing more of that idiocy, which then at least drives more of that idiocy underground and away from interfering with genuine education.

In other words, maybe having a Republican Gov. Jeff Landry, who appoints members of the LSU Board of Supervisors confirmed by a state Senate with a GOP supermajority, makes LSU (who like most higher education institutions otherwise practices “don’t ask/don’t tell” in this regard) pursue more aggressively punishment of faculty stupidity in the classroom. In that respect, the real story the media is missing is how conservatives controlling elective offices instead of threatening free expression are restoring the idea of free inquiry thereby enhancing the mission of superior education within academia.

LA should forbid planned virtual learning days

The Ouachita Parish School Board made a bad precedent worse, and alerts the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education and/or the Louisiana Legislature they might want to counter this.

This past week the Board ratified its academic year 2026 calendar. Included in it are three virtual learning days, up from two at present. Virtual leaning days are those where students don’t report to class but are responsible for completing school work due that day from another location.

The concept originated around a decade ago when, with the increased technological capacity to deliver coursework remotely and the spread of devices among students to perform it led some districts that experience chronic bad weather to use these days to supplement “snow days.” While calendars could work in a few days where schools would close because of inclement weather, in too many cases that allocation would be exhausted and then some, causing loss of learning potential. With this option, snow days could be converted into virtual learning days with less erosion of learning. Adoption spread when the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic closed schools for an extended period of time.

Marvin credibility increasingly on thin ice

Subsequent to a puzzling exchange at a community meeting, Republican 26^th District Atty. Schuyler Marvin finds himself with a growing no-win political situation in the context of what has happened to a slew of elected officials in Bossier City over the past four years

The parish’s political insiders in the city have had a rough time of it in recent years. First came the 2021 elections, where voters dumped GOP former Mayor Lo Walker and two city councilors, all part of the same cabal with Marvin. And just from qualifying for this year’s round, three others – Republicans David Montgomery and Jeff Free and Democrat Bubba Williams – removed themselves from reelection consideration as public antipathy towards their high-handed style of governance grew, mainly over the issue of their illegally blocking the sending to voters of a petition installing term limits on city elected officials. Two others, Republican Vince Maggio and independent Jeff Darby who also voted on multiple occasions to engage in that illegal action, have drawn opposition to their reelection bids.

After multiple courts chastised the five who broke their oaths of office with these votes, with one panel deeming their actions construable as malfeasance in office which is a felony, perturbed parish residents began petitioning Marvin to investigate the matter or to call in the state to do so. Not that reformers should have much confidence that Marvin should do either, for Marvin – son of a former district attorney – is among the most insider of parish insiders and has a history of protecting allies when his office is put in a situation where it may wade into legal controversy.

Tate tries con job on opposing new NIH cost rule

When you’re playing the big con, your mark can’t know he’s been taken even after he’s been taken. If a recent communiqué by Louisiana State University System Pres. William Tate IV about changing federal regulations about National Institutes of Health grants indicates anything, Tate shows he would excel at utilizing information asymmetrically to score a big payday for his organization.

Last week, the NIH issued new guidelines about how awardees could utilize its grants. It said, barring unusual circumstances to be worked out between NIH and the awardee, that it would typically set indirect costs awarded at a ceiling of 15 percent. Indirect costs are for facilities, or depreciation on buildings, equipment and capital improvements, interest on debt associated with certain buildings, equipment and capital improvements, and operations and maintenance expenses; and administration, or general administration and general expenses such as the director’s office, accounting, personnel, and all other types of expenditures not listed specifically under one of the subcategories of “facilities.”

Typically, past NIH awards to university researchers averaged 27-28 percent in indirect costs, but the new policy impacts all current grants for expenses henceforth starting this week and forward as well as for all new grants issued. And from the reaction from higher education, you would have thought the Earth had stopped turning on its axis.

Cantrell doesn't enjoy last laugh as NO declines

Between the two of them, singer Lauren Daigle is laughing last and loudest compared to Democrat New Orleans Mayor LaToya Cantrell as another visible decline of the city under recent mayors.

This past weekend, Daigle performed, in well-received fashion, at the Super Bowl in New Orleans. She saw this as vindication for events of over three years ago, when Cantrell made a play to cancel Daigle appearing on the television show Dick Clark’s New Year’s Rockin’ Eve that was set to have a satellite location in New Orleans.

Daigle said she was in talks with the production to appear in the hours before 2021 rolled in around Jackson Square, but before anything concrete formed a couple of months prior Daigle on a whim had participated in a concert by a friend there. At the time, orders issued by Cantrell through emergency Wuhan coronavirus pandemic powers limited outdoors gatherings to 50 people with masks (despite that already evidence had accumulated that mandates to wear face coverings outdoors didn’t do a thing to prevent virus spread, and subsequently more confirmation came). The size of the crowd was considerably larger and many didn’t cover their faces.

Make LA civil service panel reform priority

While all of the attention has gone to what control the governor would have over the State Civil Service Commission, ignored has been perhaps a more important change over establishing job classifications that came to light last week, reminding of the necessity of that alteration.

Republican Gov. Jeff Landry wanted to have the SCSC at its last meeting to change 21 positions, totaling 900 current jobs, in state government from the classified to unclassified service as hired after Jul. 1. Classified positions provide their holders more job security and a defined schedule of compensation, while unclassified employees can be more easily hired and fired and be paid in a greater compensation range.

Landry Administration officials testified that these positions, attorneys and engineers, as classified disallowed offerings of competitive salaries that created shortages and inability into inducing continuity into the workforce. Additionally, compared to public sector employment nationally, Louisiana state government has among the highest per capita number of attorneys and engineers employed, so the plan would be to have the flexibility to pay more and maneuver the number of positions according to market conditions, which almost certainly would mean fewer total jobs than at present.

Yet the Commission, which has a history of trying to preserve state employment jobs and circumscribing merit-based solutions to boost employee productivity, rejected the move, with commissioners in the majority claiming doing this would create more instability in times of budgetary stress. With one commissioner absent, only two of six voted to approve, perhaps not coincidentally the two appointees of Landry wanting to approve and three appointees of Democrat former Gov. John Bel Edwards plus the elected state classified employee representative disapproving.

While the concept of civil service is valuable, in that it tries to minimize politics in personnel decisions that threatens to diminish performance, the way it’s structured in Louisiana gives too much power to the unelected Commission. Aside from the employee representative, each of the six private college leaders gives the governor a list of three individuals to choose from for the rolling six-year fixed terms representing all congressional districts. While this insulates selection from political pressures by elected officials, it makes it susceptible to pressure from employee special interests and no other state uses such a walled-off procedure.

That was a problem GOP state Sen. Jay Morris tried to solve with a bill last year to amend Constitution for the selection process. It would have allowed the governor three unmediated selections with the other three from the aggregated list of three nominations by six leaders. This would have inculcated more responsiveness from appointees to overcome the over-insulation of commissioners that leads them to listen more to the special interest of 34,000 or so state employees than to 4.6 million state residents.

Predictably, the mainstream media spun a narrative that this was a power grab by Landry and confined its reporting almost exclusively to the appointment issue. But the amendment also would have removed exclusive power to make such a change as had been petitioned last week from the Commission and given the Legislature the ability to make these changes by statute.

This also would have helped to rebalance the scales and even possibly obviate the need to change the appointment process, maybe in combination with term limits. As increasingly government becomes less immune to market forces, the Legislature is a much nimbler institution to address job classification issues to maintain efficiency and effectiveness in running a properly-sized government.

Last year, the Senate gave the required two-thirds majority to the bill, but the measure came up a couple of votes short in the House likely due to absences in the crush of business at session’s end, so it didn’t make it to the people for their approval. Morris or somebody else needs to try again this year, as this reform will aid Landry’s salutary goal of paring unnecessary spending in state government and make it work better.

LA wind energy grifters bray about permit halt

As Republican Pres. Donald Trump enters the third week of his second term in office, Louisiana grifters – including a state representative – aggrieved at Trump’s turning off the firehose of taxpayer benefits to them have started complaining.

Perhaps taking a cue from a recent Associated Press article about Trump’s suspension and review of wind energy permits, the Baton Rouge Advocate pounded out a Louisiana version. Both discussed the presumed economic benefits from allowing wind power construction and generation, while the AP piece added this constituted a rebranded strategy from hyping the alleged threat of catastrophic anthropogenic global warming to stressing jobs and economic development from wind power.

The Advocate article echoes the development angle. It parades several individuals involved in or advocating for support industries, including Republican state Rep. Joseph Orgeron, to complain how not only would am embargo on wind power development curtail a nascent Louisiana industry but also in doing so potentially cost the state tax revenues from it.

Risky for LA GOP to endorse for 2026 Senate

Louisiana state Republicans need to acclimate themselves to the new reality of partially closed primaries by making endorsements prior to the primary election rare.

Party leaders have begun an internal debate over whether to follow the strategy of endorsement before the initial election of the 2023 governor’s race as applied 2026 U.S. Senate campaign. It has at this time only two declared candidates, Republican incumbent Sen. Bill Cassidy and GOP state Treas. John Fleming, but Fleming has asked the state party – whether through the state central committee that meets quarterly or by an interim decision by its much smaller executive committee – to endorse him along the lines of what the executive committee did almost a year prior to the 2023 race by tabbing Republican Gov. Jeff Landry.

The rest is history – other GOP candidates entered, but Landry waxed the field, raising record amounts of cash. This certainly avoided the disastrous repeat of 2015 when two other quality Republicans joined in against the favorite Republican former Sen. David Vitter; while they didn’t prevent him from making the blanket primary runoff, they did fray him around the edges and one, Jay Dardenne, threw his support to eventual winner Democrat former Gov. John Bel Edwards and was rewarded with the second-ranked job in the executive branch. Neither did the party endorse businessman Eddie Rispone nor former Rep. Ralph Abraham in 2019 and another intermural tussle ensued, with Rispone going through to lose narrowly to Edwards.

Media not taking well Landry's devaluing them

Poor Tyler Bridges, he’s not one of the cool kids anymore and he doesn’t like it. Assuredly, he’s not the only one in Louisiana’s legacy print media.

Bridges, a longtime reporter now working for The Advocate newspaper chain, recently gave readers an idea of how upset he was with Republican Gov. Jeff Landry. For anybody who reads his stuff, if not generally his outlet, or any of (what’s left of) the Gannett outlets in the state, or the only major daily outside of these two combines the Lake Charles American Press, it becomes clear they aren’t fans of the governor.

That their ideological leanings differ from his was something Landry recognized long ago, and as have many conservative politicians around the country he built campaigns and governance around direct communication with people rather than try to cajole a hostile intermediary into saying nice things about him. Indeed, part of this strategy has been to marginalize that conduit of indirect communication.

BC reform train appears primed to leave station

Bossier City takes the spotlight as the only major Louisiana city to have elections this spring – placing in full view a likely drastic reordering of political power.

When the dust settled from qualifying for the Mar. 29 elections, reformers – those who want to keep a lid on city spending especially on low-priority and grandiose projects, exit it from sweetheart deals, and bring greater transparency to governance – appear likely to nab at least a majority on the City Council, if not much more, as well as retain the mayor’s slot with Republican Tommy Chandler.

Chandler was largely ineffective as mayor after ousting long-time and insider mayor Lo Walker, doing little to advance a reform agenda. Debatable is whether this occurred because of his lack of political skills or because he faced on almost every issue five opposing votes that would make at best for a string of symbolic vetoes. But he supported the strict term limits movement to the hilt and with a friendly council he would join them, regardless of his skills, in the cause of reform.