Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
24.5.17
Leniency on criminal fines subverts crime reduction
Louisiana’s lawmakers can’t let money concerns
overrule good sense when it comes to criminal justice reform, thus requiring
compromise within bills such as state Rep. Tanner Magee’s HB 249.
As state policy-makers have made a concerted
effort to reform the system that incarcerates more people per capita than any country in the world or than any state in the
country, many have sold the effort as a means to save money. They have argued
that smarter allocation of resources could result without impairing
effectiveness of correctional policy.
But the package of bills to reflect changes to
transform the system has faced scrutiny for introducing too much laxity in
sentencing and carrying that out. Supporters have
had to tone down measures that unwisely would have eroded
the deterrent effects concerning the most serious crimes, which also served
to erode savings promised.
However, more work remains with Magee’s bill. It
addresses fines as part of a sentence and restitution to pay if ordered. The
bill would allow rescheduling of payments, reduction of penalties, or even
waiver of these, if a judge determines the burden too great for an offender with
dependents. If not making enough payment on time prior to the scheduled end of
parole, the bill disallows the current ability under law of judges extending prison
stays or parole, revoking a driver’s license, or charging interest until the convict
pays the debt.
Further, it places a cap on the maximum allowable monthly
payment, at the equivalent of eight hours of work. Also, substance abuse
treatment, job training, education or 15 hours of community service can substitute
for paying. Those who made consistent monthly payments for 12 months or half of
their parole and probation period could have the rest of their financial
obligation waived.
Reasonably enough, Magee and bill supporters argue
that placing financial burdens on offenders can sap them of their ability to get
ahead legally in the world, if not outright discourage them from doing so. In
addition, particularly by extending supervision, this costs the state to continue
it. Yet at the same time these kinds of changes dilute the deterrent effect
that the penalties create to discourage potential crime, increasing costs to
society.
By taking away the power to extend imprisonment or
parole until a convict reaches a satisfactory level of payment, potential
offenders out in the community knowing this see one less cost they could face
in the risk/return ratio they calculate about their future actions. The power
to waive sends an even stronger signal that crime increasingly likely can pay.
The bill’s bludgeoning approach also fails to
distinguish between different levels of morality. A monetary penalty to the
state has the power to dissuade, but when in the form of restitution, it also
carries restorative aspects to victims. If a sentence includes restitution, the
law never should circumscribe that, even if it takes the most lenient terms
over an extended period to make victims whole.
Thus, for the bill not to cross the line into enabling
crime, it must continue to allow the use of prison or probation as a means to
collect penalties. If problems arise from onerous payoff provisions, that’s not
a fault of the concept but of bad judgment by authorities. Surely, they can calculate
repayment plans that foster responsibility in payers that simultaneously do not
put them in almost no-win financial situations.
In the case of restitution, that is imperative.
Perhaps in these instances the bill’s alternatives can come in to play that
allows deferral of payments, but these should not substitute for actual
payment. Along with that, waivers should not be permitted; again, surely
authorities can work out plans where even small amounts on a regular basis are
possible, even if these serve mostly as symbolic reminders to the miscreant.
As written, the bill might save money (although if
fine collection decreases enough as a result, it might not) and could encourage
some already convicted to go straight, but does not provide enough
discouragement to keep some others on the straight and narrow path in the
future, which also can increase future monetary and other costs to society. Modifications as noted to it that the House of Representatives might
take up later this week could remedy these shortcomings.
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