So what does it mean when two different polls about the same political contest come up with differences beyond the marginal? It means that observers get a peek into the imprecise world of survey data and the impact it can have on larger perceptions.
The fourth poll in the past five
months conducted by The
Hayride website, in conjunction with the MarblePort agency, on Aug. 4 and 5
produced governor’s contest results consistent with the previous versions: Republican
Sen. David Vitter led the pack, a
little ahead of Democrat state Rep. John Bel Edwards, and then with
about half as much support comes Republicans Public Service Commissioner Scott Angelle and Lt. Gov. Jay Dardenne. Since May, Vitter and
Dardenne have drifted down a bit, Edwards has drifted up a bit, Angelle has
made much greater progress, and the undecided vote has shed about a third.
This gives the results what is
termed “face validity;” that is, it seems consistent with other indicators.
Vitter had the most name recognition and ought to lose some support as other
candidates become better known; Angelle has had the most advertising and ought
to come up the most; the undecided slowly have peeled off as the election
approaches; the results move slowly but steadily in certain understandable directions.
It also appears to have pretty
decent external validity. This means survey results, taken from a sample, seem
likely to reflect the real world. There can be small quibbles with the sampling
frame – 55 percent female likely overweighs the actual voting population in two
months (that’s close to the registrant total, but historically nationally the
recent female/male gap when actually voting has been only about 5 percent) and
14 percent registered no party/other voters likely underweighs this group (that
was their proportion of turnout in 2011, but since then their total
registrations have increased 2.2 percent) – and that Edwards is getting just
about two-thirds of the black vote, where of the undecided blacks a majority of
them will vote for him with almost all of the remainder not voting, understates
by a few points his support if the election were held today. Yet all in all it
looks reasonable.
But another
poll, by Market Research Insight, done at the end of July shows a
dramatically different result. Commissioned by a group of wealthy individuals
interested in politics and potentially willing to assist candidates, this one puts
Vitter, Edwards, and Angelle all between a fifth and fourth of the intended
vote, with Angelle actually leading the way. Redistributing the undecided black
vote by giving 90 percent of it to Edwards gives him a realistic third of the
vote and puts Vitter and Angelle in a tie (although in reality a significant
chunk of these black undecided voters simply will not vote).
So how could such dramatically
different assessments of Angelle and Vitter be present in polls taken just days
apart, with the earlier of the two completely deviant of the trend subsequently
recently enforced by the later one? The answer lies in the sampling frame. This
one overweighed registered Democrats by 6 percent and contained only 12 percent
no party/other. This is reflected in a self-identification question concerning
partisanship, where 27 percent claimed independence, 31 percent Democrat (or
leaning that way) and 39 percent Republican (including leaners).
In other words, the sample
disproportionately picked up people registered as Democrats and those who registered
under that label, probably decades ago, but who do not vote consistently
Democrat, if even a majority of the time, and thereby perceive themselves as independent.
That latter group has become a prominent phenomenon in the study of political
behavior, part of a slowly detaching Southern Democrat electorate, over the
past couple of a decades and for its members Angelle in particular would be a reasonable
choice, having been a Democrat until the past few years and working under
elected Democrats, even if he worked under GOP Gov. Bobby
Jindal and now calls himself a Republican, accentuated by him being the
most actively advertising candidate over the past quarter of the year.
In the final analysis, the poll set
up a sample biased towards Angelle and against particularly Vitter.
Unrepresentative samples happen from time to time despite the best intentions
of the pollster (which will be assumed here), much less the random chance of
getting an unrepresentative sample despite having it closely match population
parameters (this one collected enough responses to adhere to the typical 95
percent standard with a four percent margin of error; that is, one out of 20 of
these polls using the same sampling frame will produce statistics in reality outside
four percent either way of their observed values).
As a result, just as the Edwards
camp got all excited when it cherry-picked a selected statistic
(interestingly, from a previous MRI poll) to make their candidate appear to be doing
better than he actually was, the Angelle camp should pay little heed to the
aggregate numbers of this one. This contest with the candidate field as it is
still has Angelle and Dardenne substantially behind Vitter and one needing to
pass him in order to head to a runoff with Edwards. More data must appear
inconsistent with this hypothesis in order to doubt it.
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