It’s not that bad bills make it
into law in Louisiana – it happens far too often. It’s that you would not
expect that a committee
would pass one along unanimously after many almost-identical versions have
been rejected in the past – some
this session.
SB 219 by
Sen. Edwin Murray tackles the fiction
that, all things considered equal, women do not receive equal pay compared to
men. Reams of academic studies have demonstrated when accounting for all
conditions, such as differences in occupation choices, hours worked,
educational attainment, taken time off, reliability, and seniority between
sexes, any difference in pay statistically goes to zero, or even favors women
in certain cases. That makes perfect sense: there are few hardcore sexists out
there in the business world who would not want to maximize profits by getting
the best workers for their value, and that means ignoring sex as well as a host
of other factors when these have nothing to do with the job at hand.
Proponents of this legislation,
ultimately designed to extend government control over business with this goal obscured
by presentation of a solution to a nonexistent problem, understand that and
over the years have adopted a number of strategies to try to work around this
fact. The tried-and-true tactic is to introduce the concept of “comparable
worth” into such legislation, revealed upon seeing phrases such as “all
employees shall be compensated equally for work that is the same or comparable in kind and quality”
[emphasis added]. In other words, rather than let the market decide valuation
of activities, some artificial construct makes that determination; for example,
something is deemed wrong if nurses, a field primarily staffed by women, with
bachelors’ degrees make less money than computer technicians, who primarily are
men, with associates’ degrees, as a science degree like nursing should produce
more “valuable” work. Et voilà, to
explain the difference it must be sexual “discrimination” at work.
Murray’s bill tries to amend in this
phrase to existing law that in a straightforward fashion currently prohibits discrimination
in pay by state agencies solely on the basis of sex, as well as others like it
in other parts of the bill. Yet also note the bill’s language tries to apply it
outside government as well, where elsewhere in it covered entities are defined
as nongovernment employers with at least 20 employees.
It also tries a second-generation
tactic by negating the need to show that actual sexist attitudes of employers
must be behind decisions to pay discriminatorily, through the inclusion of the nonsensical
concept of “unintentional discrimination” as a justification for its
applicability. Since the harm done by unequal pay by definition for it to be
discriminatory must be intended, the whole notion is absurd but considered a
vital asset for bill proponents because then actual intent does not have to be
established, just that disparate outcomes happened “accidentally” and therefore
can be demonstrated by something simple and misleading as raw pay differentials,
which do not reflect the effects of the other factors listed above nor tells anything
about any bad intent.
Legitimizing this foolishness in
the bill arms government with the cudgel to impose its will, an enforcement
mechanism that makes it all too easy for covered entities to be brought up on
charges to a state board despite engaging in no genuine unjustified discrimination
on the basis of sex. This device accomplishes the purpose of increasing
government control over private entities. A final wrinkle removes
women-specific references.
None of this should be new to senators,
who last
year beat back attempts to insert comparable worth and unintentional
discrimination language into legislation. Yet members of the Senate and
Governmental Affairs Committee, including all Republicans present, voted
unanimously in favor of the bill that not tries again to stuff such language
into law, but also expands it to cover outside of government – even though some
interest groups filed cards in opposition, although none of their
representatives spoke against it. Admittedly, last year committee members
Republican state Sens. Jody Amedee
and Bob Kostelka proved sympathetic
to the radical language, but it was fellow GOP member state Sen. Jack Donahue’s bill over which one of
the battles was fought then, and another GOP state senator, Mike Walsworth, also was on hand. Even
as the only Democrat there was state Sen. J.P.
Morrell and it would have passed 3-2 judging by last year’s results, at
least it could have been brought to a vote as a demonstration that stupid ideas
should meet with protest (Murray also is a committee member, but did not vote.)
Today the matter is scheduled to
come up in the Senate. By then, hopefully at least Republican senators, who
comprise a majority of the chamber, will have woken up to this and do the right
thing in rejecting it. If for some reason they remain in blissful slumber about
the deleterious effects of the bill, it appears their House counterparts are
wide awake to these, signaled by the rejection in committee of similar bills
earlier in the session. Still, it’s a disgrace to let bad legislation continue
to waste legislators’ precious time, and putting down SB 219 this afternoon
would serve best Louisianans.
Thank you for the article, but PLEASE proof before posting. This was very painful to read. You have several cases of extraneous pauses, subject-verb agreement problems, changes in tense mid-sentence, and clauses that beg more questions than the extra information they offer.
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