As previously
noted, in evaluating Louisiana’s scholarship voucher program, competing
arguments are heard about how to measure the quality of the participating proprietary
schools. Its opponents often argue
that a grading system like that used for public schools should be employed,
but not only does this have implementation difficulties, it also serves as a
distraction from the real issue at hand.
In the state, public schools receive
an annual grade
that is at least half determined by progress in learning with factors of diploma
completion (high school) and course credits earned (high school and middle
school), all the way to progress being the sole determinant (elementary
school). Until this past year, with one exception the only benefit provided by this
system was acting as an information device for families to get some idea of how
their school matched up to others and to an ideal. The exceptional benefit was
that schools which consistently had the lowest, failing grade could become
subject to corrective action. Thus, the only policy benefit that the system had
was to create an incentive for the worst schools to improve or lose autonomy of
varying degrees.
This left the large majority of public
schools in the state unaffected by any policy levers that the grade could
induce to improve their performances. Scores might have public relations and
morale ramifications, but they carried no consequences as A and D scored
schools were treated the same. But with the advent of the voucher program,
suddenly these grades mattered, for now students from lower-income families
could bail out of a D school, and even a C school under certain conditions, along
with those of the F (failing) schools.
What generally is not realized about
this advent is that school district officials dislike the program not only
because it reduces state money coming to districts, as the money follows the
student out of it, but it also holds them more accountable courtesy of the
rating system. This creates extra pressure on these officials, adding to that
already exerted by special interests representing employees and local centers
of political power whose agendas do not place primacy on educating children, by
increasing conflicts between fulfilling goals of these groups and in improving
education.
So as a means of relieving this
pressure, many suggest extending the grading system to the proprietary schools in
the voucher program, arguing that schools should score in the A and B range
that is above the level that would qualify a public school student to use a
voucher, in order for these to participate. That way, they can put a pincer on
the pipeline of dollars fleeing their districts, increasing captivity of warm
bodies, which serves as the inverse to accountability and therefore reduces
that.
But applying this system outside
the protected model of education delivery misunderstands both the mechanism of
how a grading system works and its theoretical purpose. On the instrumental
side, as previously
mentioned, it can be difficult to utilize a grading system for several
reasons, the first of which being it’s never a straight comparison. That’s because
the entire student population of the public school is being graded, whereas
only a subset of the proprietary school is subject to this.
More practically, information may
not be available. A small portion of data may be unavailable for federal
privacy law reasons. Also, the cohort numbers are often too small to be able to
make statistically reliable or valid measurements to construct a scoring
mechanism, whereas any public school will have populations large enough to be
able to do so. Finally, given that the earliest grade at which testing occurs
is third (and going any earlier generates
much dispute in terms of the validity and reliability of such tests), some
schools simply cannot be scored (and as of now, the largest portion of children
with vouchers is in the earliest grades).
All in all, this means that a
scoring mechanism of much usefulness that replicates those for public schools
simply cannot be manufactured for uniform application to proprietary schools.
Yet, more importantly, an argument for a scoring system for proprietary schools
misunderstands the uses and purposes for one and for why a scoring system for
public schools came into being in the first place.
Public schools, when government
policy does not aid in an additionally meaningful way proprietary schools,
operate as monopolies in their districts and/or defined attendance zones. Thus,
no market mechanisms exist to assess their quality, the surest of those being
their ability to attract families as clients – better schools attract more
customers, all other things (such as pricing) equal. Instead, families are held
captive unless they have the purchasing power to choose an alternative to meet
the state requirement that their children up to a certain age get educated.
Therefore, to be able to
discriminate by quality, it is appropriate to create a scoring system absent
these market signals for those without resources to choose an alternative. However,
that does not apply to proprietary schools that already operate within the
market. As long as the state forces availability of adequate information for
families by which to make a choice – including the very statistics that could
be used to create a score – the market-based decisions they will make by
definition would be superior in ranking schools than the validity and
reliability of any index score. That mechanism would serve only as an
artificial impediment or unnecessary distorter of choices provided to families.
Currently, the state has
standards that must be met for proprietary schools to participate in the
voucher program that do not include a performance score. It supplies test
scores and other information to parents interested in making a choice among
these. It even uses the scores that are computed, as imperfect as they may be
in that context, as criteria to put caps on the number of spaces a school may
offer for voucher students. These standards more than create conditions for the
market to render a valid judgment on the provision of educational quality by
proprietary schools, and thereby secure optimal use of taxpayer dollars. Basing
provider participation on an ill-suited scoring system therefore is unhelpful.
Wrong!
ReplyDelete"...for now students from lower-income families could bail out of a D school, and even a C school under certain conditions, along with those of the F (failing) schools."
My recollection is that about ONE out of thirty-seven or thirty-eight could TRY to do this, a sparse few compared to your inference that all could.
On top of that, the parents, grandparents or others are making the decisions for these select few (2%), what you apparently call the "market", without any real, reasonable, easily-understandable guide or reference as to potential schools to rely on, and most of whom probably are unqualified to make such a decision even with such a guide.
So, in essence, the program is a one out of thirty-something shot for a school selection in the dark as to its quality.
Oops, I forgot. The market will take care of it.
That is a marvelous plan to upgrade education in Louisiana.
Your shot, Professor.
To remind you, "could" is the past conditional of "can," meaning conditional. Because there aren't enough slots made available, only a small proportion will be able to take advantage of the program. Do work on your reading comprehension.
ReplyDeleteAnd on your knowledge of economics as well. Even the smallest marginal change in demand relative to competitors for a supplier means it loses revenue in the case of monopolists whose prices are fixed by law (public schools accepting MFP money). Unless you're a supplier of poor quality, you improve your performance to try to recapture that demand. Thus, market forces introduced into a one-size-fits-all model of education improve even those institutions operating under that model, even if those forces are at the margin.
ReplyDeleteGlad to see that u r paying attention.
But, it's the same old stuff.
Keep trying to convince that a meager few being able to change to another school that they really have no idea if is actually better will significantly change education in this State.
If you are really watching, obviously, it is all for show, political theater, and most of the participants are simply, but tragically, being used.
And you continue to support it.