Constitutional convention bill meritorious

An audacious plan to redo Louisiana’s Constitution might just succeed within the next two years.

While widely agreed it should happen, constitutional convention implementation has foundered over recent years on charges it would be too rushed, too narrow or too broad, and too exclusive of citizens. Which is why HB 4 by Republican state Rep. Dixon McMakin should draw serious consideration.

The bill would establish a rolling convention, setting up subcommittees to review each of the overstuffed document’s 14 sections and an executive committee to oversee. Presumably, subcommittees, required to meet at least monthly, would do so over starting in early 2027 for the next nine months or so, followed by a decision on changes by all 93 delegates. The product would be available for voter approval at the 2027 general election. Any parts of the current Constitution not included in the end product would revert to statute.

Each Senate district would have two delegates elected plus one in each Public Service Commission district in this fall’s elections. GOP Gov. Jeff Landry also would select ten other delegates, leaving 93 in all.

There are several salutary aspects to this plan. It allows for plenty of time to consider changes. It also guarantees that if something in the present version isn’t addressed, it will land in statute rather than be entirely repealed. The approach, while piecemeal, has the effect of reviewing the entire document holistically. Finally, the selection method enhances the ability to comprise it of sufficient non-legislators.

Legislators interested in continuing their careers after 2027 elections will have a disincentive to participate, because in essence they will have to have campaigns in back-to-back years. Also, the convention’s campaign finance provisions would lop off an extra four months of raising money for the 2027 election. Plus, the subcommittee meetings would interfere with the 2027 legislative session and after, when legislators will be campaigning. The due date, at the end of October, occurs only three weeks prior to elections. And, given the nature of the subcommittees and including the executive committee a delegate likely will have to serve of at least three committees, further stretching legislators’ time.

By contrast, while legislators preparing to leave after this term, looking for one last chance to influence without the distraction of a reelection campaign, might be encouraged to snare a delegate spot, participation by non-legislators is encouraged by the episodic nature of meetings, making it easier for them to take off from work. That drawn-out process also may mitigate complaints about the short lead time for voters to evaluate the final product, with much completed well before the deadline and the vote at its reaching, or delegates could plan to wrap things up a couple of months early.

One wildcard is after filing the bill, McMakin declared his intention to run for the Fifth Congressional District seat with the surprise exit of its incumbent Republican Julia Letlow to run for the Senate. This could slow momentum, as especially with a bill so far-reaching the author needs to work particularly hard at rallying support. Potentially, an ally or two may need recruiting to maximize chances at passage. At the same time, McMakin might use the bill onto which to hang his congressional hat, giving him incentive to put much effort into its success.

Another wildcard: three substantive amendments are on tap in the May 16 election. Passage of these especially those dealing with finances could dull appetites for a subsequent convention.

The overly-long, too-detailed Constitution is overdue for reconsideration. The vehicle McMakin provides has much potential to accomplish this correctly and should merit becoming law.