Grace notes the latest quarterly
polling results on governors put out by the political research group
Morning Consult gives Edwards’ approval exceeding disapproval by 49-35, with
the remainder unwilling to say one way or the other. She observes that he “just
eked into the top half” of the list and states “That’s pretty good news for a
Democrat running in a Republican-leaning state.”
No, it’s not. If in fact a Democrat has to contest
in a “Republican-leaning” state, he had better have a significant gap above 50
percent, because elections aren’t a plebiscite on an officeholder’s performance
but a contest against real flesh-and-blood opponents. And, as earlier
polling data have indicated, Edwards does not fare well against presumptive
GOP opponents.
Of that 49 percent, some portion will believe Edwards has done more good than bad, but if given another choice will prefer someone else. Were he aligned with the state’s majority opinion, that would be the case only with a candidate less moderate, but on the majority of issues he’s not; for him, these people will defect to candidates of the other major party.
Then, of the 35 percent, almost none would give a
vote to Edwards regardless of the opposition. And, of the undecided most are
looking for a reason to vote for somebody other than Edwards and any decent Republican
candidate will provide them one.
Trying to shore up her argument, Grace proceeds to
undermine it. She writes about a “general trend away of party playing a
decisive role in determining gubernatorial popularity,” relating that the two
top and bottom scorers each run counter to prevailing political allegiances in
their states. Thus, she argues, Edwards can overcome run counter to majority
political sympathies to secure another term.
It’s a reach. Of course, looking almost everywhere
else on the list shows a strong association between partisanship and approval; as
I have noted elsewhere, basing decisions on exceptional cases never works
as well as doing so on the population as a whole.
But, more than in any other state, specifically partisanship
already plays a very minor role in Louisiana state elections. With the nation’s
weakest political parties and a political culture and electoral system that discourages
party affiliation, there’s nothing a trend can weaken here in Edwards’ favor.
As the 2015 gubernatorial election showed, with the state’s peculiar political
culture that emphasizes so much personalistic politics, candidate image still plays
an outsized role in Louisiana politics, so partisanship has little room for
further deemphasis in the minds of voters.
Frankly, the only good news Edwards can take from
this poll is that his approval rating hadn’t eroded further. That won’t last. A
year from now, with commercials out about how during
his term Edwards has overseen the nation’s worst and even contracting
economy, raised taxes and government spending above the rate of inflation, and
who reneged on a promise to create lasting fiscal reform, it will defy all odds
for him even to maintain this level. And at best he can counter with just one –
maybe
– significant accomplishment while in office.
These numbers for Edwards aren’t a disaster. Yet
neither should they bring any cheer or optimism. They continue to indicate that
at best he remains a toss-up for reelection, and that probabilities overwhelmingly
favor downside rather than upside.
No comments:
Post a Comment