Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
2.3.17
King George James' bad bill tries to slay St. George
One
particularly bad prefiled bill for the Louisiana Legislature’s upcoming
regular session betrays both an authoritarian impulse and admission of policy
defeat.
HB 15 by
Democrat state Rep. Ted James
would alter state law regarding creation of new municipalities, but targeted at
just one parish. If enacted, no longer would incipient municipalities in East
Baton Rouge Parish merely need to obtain majority voter approval from those in
the area wishing to incorporate; it also would require a majority of the parish’s
electors as well.
Such policy dramatically departs not just from
Louisiana law, but that generally
among America’s states. No state allows voters from surrounding local
governments to have any say over the wishes of unincorporated areas; the
closest strictures to that are prohibition of incorporating within a certain
distance of another municipality without its consent or having the state or a
county-level government organ decide rather than putting the matter to a vote
of those in the area petitioning for incorporation. Having just one part of a
state operate under a different law than the rest of it is unprecedented.
Two motivations underpin this assault on the
traditional bias towards autonomy of residents in an area. First, two years ago
a move to incorporate a city of St. George that would include most of the
unincorporated area of the parish failed only when legal
shenanigans denied a vote, and backers of that promised another try when
the proscriptive period under state law ended – no doubt fueled with the
election of Democrat Mayor-President Sharon Weston Broome, a
critic of the proposed city. Second, the politically ambitious James has a
habit of inserting
himself into high-profile controversies, and with the ascension of Broome
into the most powerful position in the parish for as many as a dozen years to
come he needs to find ways to keep his brand out there.
Making the parish an exception drips with purely political
calculation. A general bill applying statewide would have no chance of passing
as most legislators elsewhere would prefer their constituents have the right to
trigger incorporations without interference from parish residents whose governance
would remain unaffected by the incorporation. But James banks upon the traditional
deference that legislators give to colleagues regarding matters within a
delegation’s boundaries to let this one through.
Ugly logic lies behind this procedural change. The
St. George movement developed from citizens perceiving lack of responsiveness
from, primarily, the East Baton Rouge Parish School System – historically, the
Legislature has authorized carving out school districts from existing ones only
if built around a municipality – and, secondarily, city-parish government.
James wishes to entrap free citizens who seek only the right to govern
themselves in certain matters, as giving a veto power to the remainder of East
Baton Rouge Parish likely would produce a majority to defeat a St. George incorporation,
being as the minority population of the St. George area disproportionately
finances government services enjoyed by the majority outside of it.
In this respect, it becomes a battle between St.
George and King George, for James’ attitude mirrors that of the English
sovereign that would not allow the American colonies, whose people objected to
many facets of British rule, to engage in self-rule. With this bill, James
mocks the very notions behind American government, using its own institutions to
subvert the ideas on which these were founded.
This authoritarianism stems from the understanding
by James and others on the political left concering the specific situation in
the parish: increasingly money-hungry governments whose spending priorities continue
sliding away from optimizing economic growth and towards pursuing a warped
vision of the mirage called social justice depend upon financing from those in
parts of the parish whose agendas reverse that ordering. Those who want smaller
government who disproportionately pay for expanding government in the parish
want out, and Broome, James, and others want to keep them captive.
In other words, these elites’ agenda cannot
succeed without forcible participation of those who see that agenda as inimical
to their own interests. That reveals a stunning concession by elites of the
failure of their agenda as a self-sustaining public policy. Simply, the
inferior nature of their ideas has prompted a stampede of voting with feet, and
only by denying this freedom of mobility can their policies survive.
This bill truly stinks, and enough in the area
delegation should warn against it to signal to their colleagues out of the area
that a disunited delegation cancels the norm of deference. Thusly, the bill
should die in the Legislature, just like a similar attempt by James in 2014.
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