Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
13.2.17
Shoddy opinion writing fuels T-P liberal bias
A day after my last post
came out, which analyzed a column written by Mark Lorando that discussed and
denied the presence of liberal bias at the newspaper he edits, the New Orleans Times-Picayune, he followed
up with another on the topic that in some ways addressed points I had made.
Yet accompanying his that day was a piece that served to subvert his mission.
My post pointed out the ways that the T-P transmitted
liberal bias, largely in story selection, while Lorando defended against that mainly
along the lines that content remained neutral, at least on the news pages. I
demonstrated that’s not necessarily the case, more because of the liberal smog
enveloping the industry of journalism than in any intent. He also pledged for
greater balance in the opinion pages, where one may expect biased commentary.
But the one thing that he did not, and could not,
promise in trying to divest the T-P of liberal bias that he at least conceded
was perceived was to provide more informed commentary. Liberalism often festers
and grows because its
adherents tend to be less informed about politics (which carries
over into partisan differences as well with the typical Republican more
informed and open-minded than his Democrat counterpart). Liberals also more likely
mythologize and caricature conservatism than vice versa, a logical consequence
as liberalism relies more on emotive referents to sustain belief in it while
conservativism places greater emphasis on fact and logic.
Given these conditions, comparatively liberal
opinion writing often tends to come off as less factually-based, either through
selective use of fact or simple ignorance of the facts. Either could explain
the piece appearing next to Lorando’s, by the paper’s deputy opinions editor
Jarvis DeBerry, a stuck-pig-squealing response to Sen. Ted Cruz’s reminder
that Democrats historically backed the Ku Klux Klan in his accurate
criticism of Democrats for making “demonstrably false … slanderous”
statements about new Atty. Gen. Jeff Sessions.
DeBerry begins on solid ground, arguing that the
century-old fascination Democrats in the south had with the KKK has dissipated (he
implies 60 years ago, but it really was more like 40), opining Cruz’s statement
as “tiresome. It's hard to believe that people are still falling for this.
But they must be falling for it because Republicans keep saying it.” Had he
stopped there, he would have produced a workable, if short and entirely dull,
piece. Instead, he launched into a campaign of misinformation and argumentation
that, for those who have more than a passing knowledge of the issue, proceeds
to blow up in his face.
Because he next alleges that “[y]esterday's Democrats
are today's Republicans. The Democrats became the party of civil rights,
and that … drove most of the white South into it” – a demonstrably false
statement. While a number of academic sources have debunked this myth, its most
elegant and comprehensive refutation came in a 2006
work by political scientists Richard Johnston and Byron Shafer,
convincingly demonstrating that most of the Republican surge in the south came
from natives understanding the party better reflected their economic values and
from transplants who brought such values with them. That’s consistent with
polling data from the 1930s on, which shows the only “conservatism” marking
southern whites was on issues of morality based in religion and on Second
Amendment rights; otherwise, they were more liberal (counting isolationism in
foreign affairs), especially on economics, that residents in all other regions
of the country.
By and large, white Democrats consumed with animus
towards the civil rights movement and improved realization of rights for blacks
and who agreed with its big government nationalism stayed within the party as
the 1960s and 1970s unfolded. This and the complicity
of Democrat politicians well into the 1970s in opposing civil rights are
widely known and makes DeBerry’s statement tiresome. It's hard to believe
that people are still falling for this. But they must be falling for it because
DeBerry and his ideological fellow travelers keep saying it.
To makes matters worse, to buttress his allegation
DeBerry embarks on a strategy of guilt by association that, once again to those
who know better, collapses if not becomes comical in how thoroughly he sabotages
his own argument. He trots out the statement of former GOP Sen. Trent Lott,
former political leader of the chamber, musing that Dixiecrat former Sen. Strom
Thurmond would have made for a better president than former Pres. Harry Truman,
thus taking the absurdly reductionist position that “we can infer from that
that Lott considered the Dixiecrats' beliefs similar to his own,” making the
same error in imputation that he made in regards to southern party
identification and beliefs of those identifiers in general.
He also conveniently forgets to mention a genuine,
celebrated racist among Democrats whose career in Congress ended with his death
just a few years ago: Sen. Robert Byrd, whose extensive involvement with the
KKK well into his elected career is unquestioned historically. So, by DeBerry’s
own reasoning that Lott’s view of Thurmond’s candidacy tells us about
Republican views today, then today’s Democrats, who made Byrd at one time the
official Senate leader, are just as racist, if not more so, than Republicans.
(Both Democrat-turned-Republican Thurmond and consistent Democrat Byrd publicly
recanted any racist views some way into their congressional careers.)
And, just to make sure he shoots himself in both
feet, DeBerry plays the David Duke card, explaining that as the former high-ranking
KKK official’s recent Louisiana Senate candidacy came as a Republican this must tell
us something about the Republican Party. OK, then I guess Duke’s
endorsement of anti-Semitic
Democrat Rep. Keith Ellison for
chairman of his party tells us something about Democrats generally.
People who don’t know much about politics might
fall for DeBerry’s dreck, but those who do recognize how insipid and
unconvincing it is. In this example it’s so obviously misinformed and poorly
argued that, as a representation of liberal opinion, it only adds to the
perception of liberal bias. Conservatives respect opinion that challenges their
viewpoints, but with such poor quality as shown by DeBerry’s latest effort, it
comes across as little more than hackery designed to facilitate a liberal
agenda.
If Lorando wants to dispel perceptions of liberal
bias at the T-P, he needs to discourage ill-informed writing by house liberals on his editorial page.
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