Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
7.2.17
LA religious leaders opine unwisely on order
Religious leaders face a central challenge in
converting articles of faith to everyday practice in politics. Unfortunately, some
of these individuals in Louisiana recently flunked that test in evaluating
travel restrictions ordered by Pres. Donald Trump.
The executive
order temporarily halts refugee admissions for 120 days to improve the
vetting process, then caps refugee admissions at 50,000 per year; imposes a
temporary, 90-day ban on people entering the U.S. from Iraq, Syria, Iran,
Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen – “countries of concern”
identified by the former Pres. Barack Obama
Administration as threats to attempt to export terrorism to the U.S.; and puts
an indefinite hold on admitting Syrian refugees to the United States until the
Trump Administration confirms that refugee admission procedures do not threaten
U.S. security. It applies no religious test and allows significant exceptions
for individuals from religious sects undergoing persecution and for individuals
who entry would serve the national interest.
In substance, even as in details some significant differences
exist, policy promulgated by the order differs
little from Obama Administration policy until two years ago. Before 2015,
almost no Syrian refugees came into the U.S. annually, large numbers of
refugees did not attempt to come to the U.S. after spending extended periods in
countries with jihadist conflict zones, and the number of refugees admitted per
year was around the 50,000 level. In 2016, enhanced vetting began regarding the
seven countries.
The order also tracks a 2011 180-day ban by Obama
on refugees from Iraq. Both follow the same concept: given the volume of
attempted or actual attempts terrorist attacks at the time that resulted in
injury or deaths from individuals that at one point went through the visa
process, reliability of vetting seemed questionable enough that a period of
review appeared in order. There is nothing imprudent or discriminatory about
any of this.
Yet a proper understanding of it all seemed lost
upon at least two Louisiana religious leaders. At a rally full of partisan
politicians and special interests who oppose ideologically the new president,
they spoke against the order, unfortunately making incorrect inferences
concerning it to their religious beliefs.
Rabbi Alexis Berk of New Orleans’ Touro Synagogue
called Trump's order an “unacceptable case of pure prejudice,” relating that to lackadaisical responses to pogroms
against Jews. But if anything pure exists in this context, it’s her ignorance:
again, nothing in the order places any religious test on the refugee ban nor
travelers from the seven countries – it covers everyone regardless of religious
views except for restating the ability to grant the exception already written into law that gives
preference to refugees fleeing religious persecution.
Archdiocese of New Orleans Archbishop Gregory
Aymond also weighed in, alleging that the Trump administration's actions on
immigration “do not support our Catholic principles …. We have never advocated
to open our borders indiscriminately, but we are called to live out this
teaching with open hearts and to accompany those who are lawfully seeking a new
life in a new land without discriminating by race, creed or religion.”
Aymond also egregiously errs by imputing any discrimination
to the order. Worse, he confusedly misapplies Catholic doctrine on the question
of refugees. Two referents in the Catechism of the
Catholic Church apply in this instance.
Catholics are called to seek “a universal common
good,” which “calls for an organization of the community of nations able to provide
for the different needs of men” that includes “alleviating the miseries of
refugees dispersed throughout the world, and assisting migrants and their
families.” Note, however, that technically the Catechism here refers to the
ecclesiastical document Gaudium et spies,
which actually vests
this duty of individuals to be performed through international organizations,
not states.
However, “the common good requires peace, that is,
the stability and security of a just order. It presupposes that authority
should ensure by morally acceptable means the security of society and its
members.” As noted, the order seeks stability and security through morally
acceptable means, and if Aymond did not think so in the past, why did he not
raise objections to the Obama ban in 2011 or refugee policy in general
throughout most of Obama’s presidency, as neither differed conceptually from
what Trump has put forward now, only now larger in scope as the problem has
increased in degree?
Regrettably, Aymond’s judgment on matters of applying
faith to the real world has failed in the past. Before
leaving for Austin for his first bishopric posting and after
his return to take the helm in New Orleans, he erred with reckless behavior regarding
priests alleged and convicted of abusing children. Additionally, he needlessly
opposed establishing a national database that would list all priests
credibly accused of sexually abusing a minor. He also effectively banned from
Austin Catholic radio broadcasts of the Eternal Word Television Network founder
the late Mother Angelica, lauded by Church
luminaries for her broadcast
evangelization, because he didn’t like her tone.
Pronouncements such as those made by Berks and
Aymond do a disservice to the faithful striving for clarity on this issue, and
Louisianans must pray that increased wisdom comes to these leaders.
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