Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
15.12.16
After ruling, Edwards must avoid acting irresponsibly
Louisiana’s Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards loves to
implore state policy-makers to work together. Now he has a chance to put his
money where his mouth is.
Yesterday, state District Court Judge Todd
Hernandez handed
Edwards a setback in a case involving his executive order JBE 16-11,
which sets out parameters for employment and contracting provisions engaged in
by the state. It sets up a number of protected classes that largely mirror
federal and state law, except that it adds in classes of “sexual orientation”
and “gender identity” – terms nowhere defined by any law.
This prompted Republican Atty. Gen. Jeff Landry to sue Edwards to
prevent application of the order in its entirety. Landry’s
special concern came in contracting, as the attorney general must sign off
on state contracts for these to become valid – a power Edwards already had challenged
unsuccessfully in a different court. Because contracts emanating from the
Division of Administration contained the phrasing reflecting the order, Landry
refused to approve of these (including one that would shift funds to his
office), as well as those from other agencies, due to his interpretation that a
governor could not expand unilaterally these classes, in effect creating law. For
the same reason, the House Appropriations Committee refused to approve of
contracts it needed to vet.
Hernandez agreed, in a well-reasoned opinion,
saying the order exceeded gubernatorial authority as established in the
Constitution, although denying broader application of the U.S. Constitution to
the question. Further, he declared that the Attorney General’s office does not in
certain areas have powers in statute subordinate to the governor, dealing a
second defeat to Edwards on this question. Whether that means an Attorney
General could refuse to sign a contract that in every way complied with the law
the judge put off addressing, seeing no actual controversy there at present.
Since Landry had begun refusing to approve
contracts, the Edwards Administration complained that this disrupted
the business of the state and fomented political grandstanding. The ruling clearly
invalidates the latter assertion, demonstrating the important constitutional
issue involved. The question now is whether Edwards wishes to grandstand
politically himself, by refusing to remove the offending language and resubmitting
contracts for approval.
The court ruled; his argument lost, and if he genuinely
had concern for the state’s ability to conduct business as his administration
has stated, and in the larger context of working together that he has so often
preached, he will send revised contracts without the wording to Landry. He can
appeal if he likes and, although the argumentation clearly appears to favor
Landry’s position, courts
can make anti-intellectual decisions that some months down the road could
hand him a win on this matter, and he then could reinstate the verbiage.
But until and if that ever happens, Edwards must
follow the law – and his own shopworn plea to work together, trotted out time
and again when he met defeat on public policy battles involving the budget,
taxes, and regulation – or else the state suffers. Any other course of action and
he acts both irresponsibly and hypocritically.
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