Jeffrey D. Sadow is an associate professor of political science at Louisiana State University Shreveport. If you're an elected official, political operative or anyone else upset at his views, don't go bothering LSUS or LSU System officials about that because these are his own views solely. This publishes five days weekly with the exception of 7 holidays. Also check out his Louisiana Legislature Log especially during legislative sessions (in "Louisiana Politics Blog Roll" below).
11.10.16
Tax study group seeks to ratify unneeded bigger govt
Increasingly clearly, a special state
panel convened to study recommendations changing Louisiana’s tax code
serves little more than an excuse to lock in overgrown government, specifically
paying for Medicaid expansion, by making a temporary tax hike permanent.
Twice now the Task Force on Structural Changes in
Budget and Tax Policy, put together by the Legislature, has postponed its final
product originally due Sep. 1. If it stays on schedule legislators can analyze
its product Nov. 1. Some of its members, however, have spoken of what should
appear in the report to come.
Most prominently, it will recommend to make proceeds
of a one cent hike in the sales tax permanent. The Republican-majority
Legislature forced Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards to accept this increase only through
Jun. 30, 2018, balking
at making it perpetual and/or putting any increased taxation in a form depending
upon higher income taxes. Edwards and Democrats never liked this because of
their belief that higher-income individuals should bear the costs of expanded
government, and a greater proportion of sales taxes come from households outside
of this category of people than in the case of income taxes.
Thus, the group plans to include items such as removing
deductibility on federal income taxes and broadening the kinds of services on
which the sales tax would apply, in exchange for lowering the rate back to four
pennies on the dollar. In essence, the additional cent becomes monetized into
increased taxation on income earned disproportionately by those with higher
incomes and on activities paid for disproportionately by the same cohort.
That would violate two desirable norms of tax
policy. First, it encourages greater progressivity that, ironically, hurts
the majority paying less as through the attenuation of economic growth it
causes lower incomes and makes those individuals less able to improve their
economic situations. That tactic as well as favors minority interests that use
legislative fiat to favor themselves economically through uses of exceptions.
Second, it makes less likely that the recipients of government largesse contribute
to their gift given by taxpayers, introducing more division into society’s
fabric. The most moral case rests with flattening and broadening the tax base.
Those matters aside, this approach, by
reapportioning the temporary increase instead of eliminating it, ratifies
bigger, unnecessary government. At present, when comparing
Louisiana’s per capita state spending
(22nd among the states and the District of Columbia) and state personal
per capita income (30th),
the state ranks 16th in proportion of state spending of personal
income. This indicates that it spends too much, not that it does not have
enough revenue.
Actually, with some recognition of that by
policy-makers, almost all agencies in Louisiana state government, comparing
the fiscal year 2017 budget to the eventual FY 2016 plan, hardly had any
increases in spending from the general fund; i.e. the destination of receipts
from the kinds of taxes the panel has studied. In fact, when factoring in a
one-year accounting trick used to reclassify some general fund dollars as
statutory dedications to higher education, only one department had anything more
than a trivial increase or decrease in general fund revenues: the Department of
Health. Without it, elected officials budgeted only $63 million total more of
general funds for all of state government.
Health, however, got an additional $507 million,
an increase of 21.9 percent, or over three times the average annual increase of
7.2 percent during the second term of Republican Gov. Bobby Jindal. Only one
significant policy change occurred in this area since Edwards took office: he
ordered the expansion of Medicaid, alleging that it would save the state money.
His assertion, apparently the product
of assumptions that providers openly questioned as unrealistic, contradicted
empirical studies done under Jindal that relied upon historical data. To this
day, the Edwards Administration has not released any details, like those that
appear in the reports from the Jindal Administration, on how it came up with this
money-saving allegation. Even without that, the budget information makes the
invalidity of Edwards’ claim clear: Medicaid expansion will not produce
savings; rather, it is the main reason why Edwards sought those tax increases.
And now the tax study group plans to cement that
massive expansion of government into fiscal policy by building reform on the
basis of retention of the extra penny, estimated to bring in $881 million a
year. For legislators wishing to right-size state government, any plan doing that
they must consider dead on arrival, and such a product should frustrate
taxpayers as a waste of money designed only to justify retention of outsized
government.
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