After making a big show of
threatened lawsuits against the state for changes to its Motion Picture Investors
tax credit, last week the group representing filmmakers and ancillary entities
announced they had dropped that strategy. The changes put a cap on how much in
credits would be redeemable each year for the next three, and included other tightening
of criteria to receive them that would diminish their availability and
generally favor in-state efforts. The group asserted that suing essentially would
make the film environment in state look unfavorable, which it wished not to
encourage.
Yeah, right. It’s not the legal
climate that has changed; as previously
explained, the shills had a weak case from the start challenging the
constitutionality of the new law, a threat which properly understood constituted
a bluff. With this strategic alteration signaled, this proclamation and
explanation serve as another bluff to try to magnify the power of an
increasingly weak hand. The very fact that the group had to publicize the
demise of a nonexistent suit shows an attempt to leverage power by trying to
create the impression that it is discarding that plan in exchange for
policy-maker compliance in changing the law essentially before the cap bites,
in a way more favorable to the interests it represents. In others words, it’s
trying hard to convince the political class that it’s the one with leverage and
can call the tune.
Perhaps the industry drew the
impression that this tactic could work by the state’s demonstrated weakness in
application of the law to date, by interpreting the law in its implementation
in the most favorable way possible to the industry. For example, one provision
capped credit eligibility at $3 million per person employed, but the state said
it will apply that only to personnel directly hired. If contracted through
another party – and frequently films hire actors who have set up their
companies that contract them out – these salaries are exempt from this
criterion. This treatment undoubtedly makes the industry think that it can get
further relaxations through the Legislature in the first half of the year that
practically will revert the legal structure surrounding these credits back to
its previous form, known for its generosity and for returning to taxpayers less
than a quarter of every tax dollar spent.
But that accommodation probably won’t
last long given the trending direction of the governor’s race. Perhaps the friendliest
candidate to date towards the industry has been Lt. Gov. Jay Dardenne, not only because he authored
the original law setting up the generous program, but also as almost
immediately after the bill became law he alleged publicly in support of the
industry that a major studio now questioned its commitment to film in Louisiana.
The problem is for film interests
that Dardenne basically drags the rear in the contest, according to the latest
polling. Meanwhile, the strongest polling candidate and favorite, Sen. David Vitter, has
given every indication that he sees no reason to roll back the changes in
principle, and suggests he might go farther still in limitations. Significantly,
he immediately countered Dardenne’s allegation in saying his conversations with
the studio yielded no such abandonment of the state in the offing. Vitter so
far has made as a major campaign theme the restructuring of the state’s inefficient
fiscal system, and certainly a program the net costs of which run into the
hundreds of millions of dollars a year seems ripe for change by this measure.
Simply put, if you make threats
from a position of strength, if your adversary does not alter behavior, you
carry through with them to get what you want. If these turn into called bluffs,
this reveals your weakness. If you can impose your solution from strength, you
don’t call off use of that strength to talk nicely with your adversary in the
hopes of getting him to cede a winning hand. The industry knew its lawsuit
threat was hollow, and as it looks less and less likely to have a preferable
occupant of the Governor’s Mansion next year, now it’s making heightened
efforts to cut its losses by this seeming rapprochement.
Which means that at the beginning
of 2016 when a special session of the Legislature will commence (all candidates
have pledged to call one), it’s not time to ease back but to hit the
accelerator on defunding corporate welfare to filmmakers. The new governor
should roll back the administrative interpretations favorable to the industry that defang
the recent changes and press the Legislature to lower the cap still more, not to
increase it as the industry hopes. With an estimated $400 million in unused
credits outstanding, the law could place a $150 million cap over each of the
next five years, which would include some room for something like $350 million
in new credits, before going to zero, giving the industry plenty of time to
develop indigenous infrastructure and human resources to stand on its own.
Louisiana’s citizens, wrestling
with a structural deficit, cannot afford any money-losing subsidization, much
less $135 million or more a year for the next three years. On this issue,
progress rather than retreat is the order of the day.
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