Advocates for and the disabilities
community initially were cheered, if not overjoyed, when the House of
Representatives sent to the Senate a budget that
included around $61 million that not only would restore funding for recipients
of New Opportunities Waivers frozen as a result of mid-year budget cuts but
also could open up thousands more. By apportioning around $23 million in state
general funds, federal funding could make up the difference.
But any such joy would be
short-lived upon discovery that the state match relied upon defunding the
Office of Public Health, in what the legislator whose amendment
to the budget provided the means of finance state Rep. Chris Broadwater
would admit catered to a constituent’s request designed
only to get attention about alleged shortcomings at the agency. The Senate
Finance Committee reversed the
decision and when the Senate takes up the budget today it will consider
funding only $3.5 million in state money, enough to unfreeze the slots.
Yet if the will really existed in
the Legislature to make a substantial dent in the waiting list for waiver
services, with these permitting individuals to live outside of large
institutions in home or community settings in the aggregate less expensively
than the state would pay for institutionalization and/or to relieve family
members from having to perform complex services often beyond their capabilities
at the expense of their own employment, there’s a health expenditure that could
be cut that benefits only New Orleans that it refuses to carry on its own.
That’s funding of the Greater New
Orleans Community Health Connection, a series of clinics set up in the wake of
the hurricane disasters of 2005 to provide primary health care needs. The
original budget by Gov. Bobby
Jindal wisely zeroed out state funding after almost a decade, correctly
arguing that it was time that New Orleans took responsibility for the program
and ceased depending upon state taxpayers to subsidize it. Unfortunately, the
House version put in about $22 million for this program, over 80 percent of its
existing state funding.
What should upset particularly
citizens across the state, including in New Orleans, about this is New Orleans
easily could pay for this itself, but instead chose
the quixotic building of a hospital in New Orleans East that opened
last summer where no real need for a full-service hospital there existed. This
came despite the imminent opening this year of the new University Medical
Center public hospital in Mid-City that will add over 400 beds to the area and
that St. Bernard Parish also opened a facility with more beds that could serve
New Orleans East.
All optimism shone forth under the
projections used by the component unit of New Orleans to govern New Orleans
East Hospital to justify its building with a 2010
report presenting a rosy scenario of surpluses for years to come. Reality
began to sink in concerning the over-optimistic predictions by the time the
agency went to the State Bond Commission in 2012 to approve its borrowing, such
as the report having based its revenue assumptions on 55 percent of the patient
census being private pay (insurance or out-of-pocket) while by the time of the
presentation to the SBC that level was deemed only 25 percent. A year later,
the city/agency took itself out of direct operation of the impending hospital
by contracting it out to the same operator that will run UMC, promising
3.5-3.75 percent of revenues, meaning that it would have to eat costs above
revenues minus the fee.
The city subsidy plus debt
defeasance could amount to as much as what goes into the clinics every year.
Yet the city insisted on adding 80 beds to the nearly 500 coming on line in the
area plus having the state supply the clinics. It does a disservice to state
taxpayers, in essence, to pay for New Orleans’ mistake. It’s New Orleans that
needs to get its health care priorities right, such as by selling the new
hospital and recouping as much as it can and channeling those saved funds into
supporting its own clinics instead of exporting that onto everybody else. And
state legislators need to quit enabling this behavior so they can spend these funds
where they would be much more efficiently used, such as in provision of NOW
slots that could pare from the 13,000- member waiting list for such services.
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