In its King v. Burwell decision, the U.S.
Supreme Court majority simply maimed the Constitution, leaving it for dead with
tortured reasoning to produce a political outcome that rivals Dred Scott v.
Sandford for its politicization and incoherence. By not understanding “established
by the state,” the majority ruled that words have no meaning except that which
it decides to give them according to whatever ideology at least five archons
believe in, should they think that the democratic institutions would fail to
follow the same.
However, as this was a matter of
federal law, essentially Louisiana need do nothing as a result. With the law
dealing with health insurance exchanges that made it optional for states to
establish, it can continue to save money by making the federal government pay
for these (and proportionately lightening the burden on state taxpayers, even
as they pay for this in a much smaller proportion on their federal taxes) until
which future time they are abolished when meaningful and genuine health care
reform replaces the current unsustainable law that empowers the state at the
expense of the individual.
The reasoning used in Obergefell
v. Hodges was not as egregiously counterfactual only because changing societal
attitudes for the last few decades had undermined and degraded the essential
meaning of marriage which makes it worth protecting as an asset to the state.
Simply, marriage between a single man and single woman is the optimal vehicle
by which to provide future citizens to sustain the state, and thereby should
have a privileged status whereby the state encourages this through tax policy,
rights of legal decision-making for others, and survivorship. Yet over the decades
this special relationship was devalued into becoming just a ceremony and piece
of paper, where in the culture the ability for a man and woman to conceive and
raise children together because of their mutual love became incidental to
marriage as an ancillary to fulfilling lustful desires.
This transformation facilitated the
Court’s use of the 14th Amendment’s Equal Protection clause yet
again to bulldoze over the 10th Amendment’s reservation of power to
the states. Even more dangerously, for the first time it bases this on a
behavioral characteristic of individuals not otherwise explicitly protected
elsewhere in the Bill of Rights, which could lead to all kinds of government
mischief used to subjugate certain groups in order to empower others. The
majority’s conjured and weak argument means one could marry whomever as a
result of marriage being considered as a tool for acting out individuals’ lust
rather than as a sacred bond to aid the human family, because the “intimacy”
and “loving” of it all was in such need of fundamental protection.
If in fact “marriage” is whatever
individuals think it should be to be “complete” in “personhood,” which thereby overrides
whatever purpose the state may have for it, then it no longer has meaning as a
concept that the state should concern itself with. Thus, the next time the
Legislature meets, it should remove Louisiana from recognizing any marriage of
any kind.
Such legal changes (involving the repealing
or amending of a couple of hundred different laws) could take effect on Jul. 1,
the beginning of fiscal year 2017, and give six months for a transition period
where during then any marriage performed before Jan. 1, 2016 would qualify for
recognition connected to civil law. For example, the married filing status for
income tax returns, divorce proceedings and settlements, spousal rights in
making legal decisions for each other, etc., would continue through Dec. 31. (Survivorship
rights would be grandfathered it.) After then, state and local court officials
no longer would have the power to perform marriages nor would parish officials
keep such records. (Some minor housekeeping attendant to this should occur with
the Constitution to remove outmoded language, which would have no effect without
civil marriages existing.)
In that interval, couples married
and intending to get married could get legal documents in order such as
prenuptial agreements (if desired) and powers of attorney regarding their
relationship; the state could assist in the process by producing model forms only
needing the two (or more) persons’ signatures and notarization to make them
binding contracts under Louisiana law. Because after that date, following the
lead of the U.S. Supreme Court that rendered it so, marriage as a concept distinguishing
it from cohabitation would have no legal meaning.
None of this would interfere with
marriages outside the civil realm; churches could continue to solemnize
weddings of however many adults, children, blood relatives and species (as the
Court’s ruling throws open the door to all of these arrangements) they like,
and even simpler methods such as jumping the broomstick can be employed. But
none of it will matter in a civil sense, although the state obviously can
continue to maintain laws to prevent certain conduct such as sexual relations
with minors, incest, and bestiality.
As a civil construct that has any
relevance to the state and benefits that it may bring to the state and society,
the Court has struck marriage a comatose blow from which it never again by
itself will function properly. It’s time for Louisiana to show mercy to the
patient and finish the job those enlightened overseers began. At least that may
distract us from mourning as a consequence of these rulings making society
coarser and individuals’ liberty less secure than ever.
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