As the party as a whole, mimicking
its national superstructure, has drifted away from the preferences of Louisiana’s
majority, not surprisingly voters have turned away from it. It lost its legislative
majorities shortly before the 2011 elections, not long before the switch by
Attorney General Buddy
Caldwell to the GOP gave the state all Republicans in statewide state
elected offices. The year before, the U.S. House of Representatives delegation
had gone all Republican except for the sole black-majority district in the
state, and now with the rout suffered by Sen. Mary Landrieu last weekend
in her bid for reelection, no one elected statewide is a Democrat. Keep in mind
that two decades ago Democrats held all statewide elected offices, all but two
U.S. House districts, and 85 percent of the seats in the Legislature.
Voting publics do not shift so
radically in preferences, but party elites do, and thus if they wish to be more
successful electorally they must persuade the public to vote for them – clearly
unsuccessfully – or moderate their extremism in issue preferences. Yet as the campaigns
of Landrieu and other Democrat competitors for House seats this fall – who endured
defeats worse than Landrieu’s – showed, Democrat elites don’t exactly seem open
to that.
This leaves one option, which
apparently has been practiced by some already but recently got a high-profile
tryout: using the Republican label at least in lower-profile contests to try to
fool less attentive voters into thinking that candidate is closer to median
voter preferences than he really is. The thinking is that as partisanship
stands in as a shorthand to ideology, the label can make less attentive voters to
think without questioning it that a candidate with that label must reflect
those views, even if he doesn’t and in reality is a stealth Democrat. Trick
enough of them, and you can win despite the majority of the jurisdiction rejecting
your views.
That’s what Democrats tried with
the Public Service Commission District 1 contest. Forest Bradley Wright, who
does not live in either that district or in District 2 where two years ago he tried
running as a liberal Democrat and got only 20 percent of the vote, this year in
the former signed up as a Republican. With no change in issue preferences, he led
the field with 38 percent in the general election, with incumbent Republican Eric
Skrmetta a point behind. However, Skrmetta got it together and narrowly won the
runoff, where turnout only dropped about 5 percent. Although the figures are
not yet released, probably the runoff featured a more informed/Republican
electorate and so Skrmetta, unquestionably a conservative, may not have eked
out around 4,000-vote win had he dealt with the same electorate as in the
general election.
While this did not succeed, fortunately
for the citizenry, the strategic outlines became clarified. Since issue
preferences must be muted to prevent the majority of less-informed voters who
are genuine adherents to the label from catching on, the faux partisan comes up with something extraneous, even untrue, to
give to them a reason to differentiate between same-labelled candidates who are
(incorrectly) assumed to have roughly similar issue preferences. Davis’ tactic
was to make false charges about Skrmetta’s honesty.
But you don’t have to be
duplicitous to make this work. As the tide has shifted over the past several
years, there’s evidence that several legislators who call themselves
Republicans really have acted more as Democrats in their voting behavior, menaing
they were able to pass themselves off in their districts as Republicans in their
successful elections. A review of the Louisiana
Legislature Log’s voting scorecards for this legislative term shows that
five representatives and two senators who label themselves as Republicans
actually voted much more like their Democrat colleagues.
Using the standard that voting
records at least twice in the 2012-14 span were more on the liberal/populist
side of the spectrum (a score below 50) indicated stealth Democrats, in the
House state Reps. Chris
Hazel, Mike
Huval, Eddie
Lambert, Sherman
Mack, and Rogers
Pope and in the Senate state Sens. Dale
Erdey and Bob Kostelka fit the
mold (Lambert in fact never got higher than 40 in any of these three session).
Conservatives and reformers in these districts should consider mounting a
challenge to those who don’t face term limits – Hazel, Huval, Mack, and Pope –
or to these or the others if they seek another office, understanding that the
lesser importance of these contests and therefore visibility of them means more
effort must take place to expose their past votes away from conservative and
reform preferences.
Yet the most blatant
successful example of using the GOP label as cover for a leftist agenda
belongs to Board of Elementary and Secondary Education member Lottie Beebe.
This 2011 contest got snafued from the start: reformer long-time incumbent
Democrat Glenny Lee Buquet reluctantly ran again while anti-choice, pro-union, status-quo-supporting
school bureaucrat Beebe challenged, cannily called herself a Republican. Hardly
spending any money – and most of that from teacher unions – while Buquet
did little campaigning, Beebe pulled the upset almost entirely on the basis of
the labels. This was an entirely unforced error by Republicans, and hopefully
they will have recruited for this contest next year at least one genuine GOP pro-choice,
anti-union, reform-oriented candidate to prevent their label from being
hijacked without resistance.
Given the
closed-minded inflexibility of what passes for state Democrat leadership in
Louisiana these days, for next year’s state and parish elections and beyond expect
Democrat wolves in Republican sheep’s clothing to emerge as a theme of greater
prominence. It will be up to Republicans and genuine candidates of that label
to prevent them from getting away with it. It’s a housekeeping chore that comes
with the territory when your opponents’ stubbornness otherwise makes them a
permanent minority party.
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