Morrish’s SB
34, similar to last year’s SB
83, which would cap tuition paid by TOPS by an inflation index for higher
education. Currently, it pays the tuition charged at a state school if attending
that, and for any other school pays a weighted average of all state school
rates, adjusted every two years. This is in response to escalating program costs,
thought to total $235 million for this fiscal year, in large part driven by
tuition increases now allowed without legislative oversight if schools hit performance
benchmarks that mostly have replaced the taxpayer dollars that previously
funded higher education.
While it’s a start, the bill does
not address the real issues behind the program that now costs nearly a penny on
every dollar spent by the state, because it adopts the confused
idea behind the program. What started as a need-based enterprise in name was
made into a scholarship program, but never has operated as a scholarship program
because its standards – basically the same as admissions criteria to get into
most baccalaureate-and-above public universities in the state – are relatively so
low. It’s more like a promise that if one can get into directly from high
school that kind of college, tuition is free, making it really an entitlement
more than anything else as its merit standards are undemanding. For that
reason, about 70
percent of first-time, full-time freshmen entering in a fall semester end
up qualifying.
As such, proposals like Morrish’s
are cost containment measures that address only how much money gets spent, but
ignores how well it gets spent. Any crisis in total money spent supporting the program
is not really a function of burgeoning tuition, but that the base is
counterproductively inflated. That is, too many marginal students for reasons
of academics and commitment are allowed into the program by having minimal
qualification standards. This is why more than a third of all recipients have
their awards canceled at some point in their post-secondary educational careers,
as likely the majority of these were marginally qualified students and/or
students whose commitment to higher education was such that the only reason
they attempted it was because they could do so at very low cost (the basic TOPS
awards does not provide money that could cover fees, books, and living expenses
if needed).
By funding these kinds of students,
it wastes resources because many of the defaulters do not graduate and the
state has no legal means of recovering this money (although attempts
have been made to turn TOPS into a loan forgiveness program to enable collection
efforts). Properly understood, then this means that part of the program cost
that concerns legislators comes from funding wasteful activities, an
inefficient resources use that would be cut significantly if standards were
increased.
The best strategy here would be
to provide a free tuition ride to anybody who scored at a certain level on the
American College Test and class graduation rank comparable to top out-of-state
institutions (for example, at Texas A&M a student
must get a 30 on the American College Test and a minimum of 27 on each section and
be in the top quarter of class; contrast this with LSUBR’s standard,
which for most entries is a 22 composite), and then graduate awards downwards
as credentials decline. Thus, a student who hits the bare minimum now might
receive an award equal to the school that charges the lowest tuition in the
state, one with minimal qualifications to get into LSUBR might get 50 percent
of its rate, and so on.
This regime brings the advantage
of better matching student ability to school, motivating students to perform
better in high school to earn more of their tuition thus improving eventual
outcomes, and discouraging marginally-motivated students from wasting theirs
and taxpayers’ time and resources (where this level could increase over time,
leaving the door open for future studies with a blank slate). Hard-working
students who don’t meet these standards but who do meet admissions standards
somewhere still have plenty
of financing options, such as generous lending from the federal government,
generous need-based funding from the federal government and even some from the
state, and other kinds of scholarship aid from schools and other sources.
Combined with an
inflation-adjusted bill, this would work. Schools might resist the idea since
it would reduce enrollments, but at the same time the financial retrenchment
might be minimal as it would allow them to reduce costs and plan better for
more efficient resource use with the number of students who flunk out at term’s
end or who drop out in the middle of a term smaller, and it would improve their
overall retention and graduation rates. However, they should not have the
luxury of thinking of TOPS as a cash cow from the taxpayer, but instead as a
mechanism to attract truly meritorious students to their classrooms. Legislators
also might be wary, for too many see it as an extension of the populist state
giving yet another benefit away, which in turns attracts votes – a mindset that
long needed has to go to give Louisiana a high-performing, right-sized
government.
Alone as it stands, the bill
merely reduces state costs to an entitlement program that has marginal incentives
for achievement and excludes only the least capable and interested. Add in graduated
awards that make it a true scholarship program, and costs will go down further
and probably overall produce better outcomes. Only in that form does this kind
of legislation deserve passage.
ReplyDeleteWhy not a "loan forgiveness" program? It would certainly create more incentive to do well.